Vance Rewrites History About Trump and Obamacare

Donald Trump could have destroyed the Affordable Care Act, but “he chose to build upon [it].”

Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) on “Meet the Press,” Sept. 15

Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) on Sept. 15 told viewers of NBC’s “Meet the Press” that former President Donald Trump built up the Affordable Care Act, even though Trump could have chosen to do the opposite.

“Donald Trump had two choices,” Vance, Trump’s running mate, said. “He could have destroyed the program, or he could actually build upon it and make it better so that Americans didn’t lose a lot of health care. He chose to build upon a plan, even though it came from his Democratic predecessor.”

The remarks follow statements the former president made during his Sept. 10 debate with Vice President Kamala Harris in Philadelphia. Trump said of the ACA, “I saved it.”

The Affordable Care Act, aka Obamacare, has grown more popular as Americans have increasingly used it to gain health coverage. More than 20 million people enrolled this year in plans sold through the marketplaces it created. That makes the law a tricky political issue for Republicans, who have largely retreated from their attempts over the past decade to repeal it.

Both Vance’s and Trump’s statements are false. We contacted Vance’s campaign; it provided no additional information. But here’s a review of policies related to Obamacare that Trump pursued as president.

So What Did Trump Do With the ACA?

Most of the Trump administration’s ACA-related actions involved cutting the program, including reducing by millions of dollars funding for marketing and enrollment assistance and backing the many failed efforts in Congress and the courts to overturn the law. In June 2020, for example, the administration asked the Supreme Court to overturn the law in a case brought by more than a dozen GOP states. The high court eventually rejected the case.

“The fact the ACA survived the Trump administration is a testament to the strength of the underlying statutory framework, and that the public rallied around it,” said Sabrina Corlette, co-director of the Center on Health Insurance Reforms at Georgetown University.

Most ACA provisions took effect in 2014, during Barack Obama’s presidential administration.

Average premium costs, already rising when Trump took office, jumped for some plans in 2018, before beginning a modest decline for the rest of his term, according to statistics from KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News.

Some of those increases were tied to a 2017 Trump administration decision to stop making payments to insurers, which was intended to reduce deductibles and copayments for people with low to moderate incomes. By law, though, insurers still had to offer the plans.

Two months earlier, the Congressional Budget Office warned that stopping the payments could cause some insurers to leave the ACA marketplace — and that premiums would rise by 20% in the first year.

Most states, however, let insurers make up for the lost payments by increasing monthly premiums. That had the unintended effect of boosting federal subsidies for people who buy Obamacare plans, because the subsidies are tied to the cost of premiums.

“By accident, that gave people cheaper access to better coverage in the exchange plans,” said Joe Antos, a senior fellow emeritus with the American Enterprise Institute.

Some Republicans think Trump deserves credit for this inadvertent improvement.

But Larry Levitt, KFF’s executive vice president for health policy, said that wasn’t the Trump administration’s intention.

“The one time when Trump improved the ACA, it was an unintended consequence of an attempt to weaken it,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration expanded access to some kinds of less expensive health coverage that aren’t compliant with ACA rules, including short-term plans that generally have more restrictions on care and can leave consumers with surprise medical bills. Democrats call the plans “junk insurance.”

Brian Blase, president of the Paragon Health Institute, a conservative health research group, said broader access to cheaper, less comprehensive plans helped more people get coverage. The plans’ critics say that if they had attracted too many healthy people from ACA-compliant insurance, increases could have spiked for people who remained.

Trump also supported congressional repeal-and-replace efforts, all of which failed — including on the memorable night when Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) helped kill the effort with a thumbs-down vote. The Trump administration never issued its own replacement plan, despite the former president’s many promises that he would.

Trump, during the debate with Harris, said that he has “concepts of a plan” to replace Obamacare and that “you’ll be hearing about it in the not-too-distant future.”

On “Meet the Press,” host Kristen Welker asked Vance when Trump’s plan would be ready. He didn’t answer directly but said it would involve “deregulating the insurance market.”

Critics say that’s code for letting insurers do business as they did pre-ACA, when sick people could be denied coverage or charged exorbitant premiums based on preexisting conditions.

Our Ruling

Vance’s assertion that Trump as president took steps to build upon the ACA and protect the health coverage of 20 million Americans is simply not supported by the record.

Trump administration policies, for example, didn’t buttress the ACA but often undermined enrollment outreach efforts or were advanced to sabotage the insurance marketplace. Also, Trump vocally supported congressional efforts to overturn the law and legal challenges to it.

By the numbers, Affordable Care Act enrollment declined by more than 2 million people during Trump’s presidency, and the number of uninsured Americans rose by 2.3 million, including 726,000 children, from 2016 to 2019, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. That includes nearly three years of Trump’s presidency.

We rate Vance’s statement False.

SOURCES:

“Meet the Press” interview with Sen. JD Vance, Sept. 15, 2024.

Brookings Institution, “Six Ways Trump Has Sabotaged the Affordable Care Act,” Oct. 9, 2020.

Vox, “Trump Is Slashing Obamacare’s Advertising Budget by 90%,” Aug. 31, 2017.

Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, “Trump Administration Has Cut Navigator Funding by Over 80 Percent Since 2016,” Sept. 13, 2018.

The New York Times, ‘Trump Administration Asks Supreme Court To Strike Down Affordable Care Act,” June 26, 2020.

Constitutional Accountability Center, Texas v. United States, accessed Sept. 16, 2024.

Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, “Quantifying Health Coverage Losses Under Trump,” Nov. 3, 2020.

Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, “Uninsured Rate Rose Again In 2019, Further Eroding Earlier Progress,” Sept. 15, 2020.

U.S. Census Bureau, Health Insurance Historical Tables, revised Aug. 22, 2024.

KFF, Marketplace Average Benchmark Premiums, accessed Sept. 16, 2024.

Brookings Institution, “The Case for Replacing ‘Silver Loading,’” May 20, 2021.

KFF Health News, “Trump Administration Loosens Restrictions on Short-Term Health Plans,” Aug. 1, 2018.

The New York Times, “Biden Administration Finalizes Rule Curbing Use of Short-Term Health Plans,” March 28, 2024.

Telephone interview, Sabrina Corlette, co-director of the Center on Health Reforms at Georgetown University, Sept. 16, 2024.

Telephone interview, Joe Antos, senior fellow emeritus, American Enterprise Institute, Sept. 16, 2024.

Email correspondence, Brian Blase, president of the Paragon Health Institute, Sept. 16, 2024.

Email correspondence, Larry Levitt, KFF executive vice president for health policy, Sept. 18, 2024.

Congressional Budget Office, “The Effects of Terminating Payments for Cost-Sharing Reductions,” Aug. 15, 2017.

USA Today, “Trump To End Cost-Sharing Subsidies to Insurance Companies,” Oct. 12, 2017.

New York magazine, “Vance: Trump’s Health-Care Plan Is To Let Insurers Charge More for Preexisting Conditions,” Sept. 17, 2024.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Rutgers and New Jersey Partner to Provide Integrated Behavioral Health in Primary Care Practices in Newark and Elizabeth

Newswise — Behavioral health professionals at Rutgers will work with the state to increase and improve the delivery of mental health and substance use services to the underserved communities of Newark and Elizabeth under a $4.5 million federal grant.

The New Jersey Division of Mental Health and Addiction Services has received the funding and will work with the Rutgers University Behavioral Health Care’s Center for Integrated Care (CIC).

The center will assist in a plan to bring more behavioral care providers directly into primary care offices. Those in the industry refer to this particular integrated care system as the  Collaborative Care Model. The idea is to assess the patient and connect him with behavioral health and psychiatry immediately without the need for referrals. The approach would save patients time, increase their access to care, ease the workload of the primary care doctors and save medical costs.

“This is an exciting partnership with the state that allows us to not only improve treatment and treatment access in medically underserved areas, but to also have the opportunity to impact state planning and advance collaborative care across state health programs,” said Holly Lister, a psychologist and program manager for the center.

The project is designed to increase the identification and treatment of people with behavioral health disorders, improve engagement and retention in care and use measurement-based care to improve the treatment of serious mental illness, child and adolescent emotional disturbance and co-occurring physical health conditions – directly in primary care.

This is the fourth grant to assist the CIC in increasing integrated behavioral health services and promote education about integrated care models throughout New Jersey.

The funding will also include educating healthcare providers and the public about the collaborative care approach to providing care.

California Voters Consider Tough Love for Repeat Drug Offenders

SACRAMENTO — California voters are considering whether to roll back some of the criminal justice reforms enacted a decade ago as concerns about mass incarceration give way to public anger over property crime and a fentanyl crisis that has plagued the state since the covid-19 pandemic hit.

Proposition 36, on the November ballot, would unwind portions of a 2014 initiative, known as Proposition 47, that reduced most shoplifting and drug possession offenses to misdemeanors that rarely carried jail time.

Critics say that has allowed criminality to flourish and given those suffering from addiction little incentive to break the cycle. The law also has become a political weapon for former President Donald Trump and other Republican politicians who have tried to tie it to Vice President Kamala Harris to paint her as soft on crime. As California attorney general she took no position on the issue.

Much of the Proposition 36 debate has focused on the increased penalties for shoplifting, but the drug policy changes are even more dramatic. In addition to boosting penalties for some drug crimes, the measure would create a new “treatment-mandated felony” that could be imposed on people who illegally possess what are called “hard” drugs, including fentanyl, heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamine, and have two or more prior convictions for certain crimes.

Those who admit to the new felony would be required to complete drug or mental health treatment, job training, or other programs intended to “break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” Those who complete the treatment program would have their charges dismissed, while failure could bring three years in prison.

The measure has opponents, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, warning about renewing a “war on drugs” that once helped swell California’s prison population.

Supporters counter that stricter penalties are necessary as overdose deaths from fentanyl crowd morgues. They also point to studies showing that more than 75% of people experiencing chronic homelessness struggle with substance abuse or a severe mental illness.

“We crafted this not to move people into any kind of custody setting, but to incentivize them into treatment,” said Greg Totten, chief executive officer at the California District Attorneys Association and a spokesperson for the initiative’s supporters.

Totten and others cast the measure as a way to revive drug courts, which they say waned in effectiveness after Proposition 47 removed the stick from what had been a carrot-and-stick approach.

Drug courts are led by a judge with a specialized caseload, use a collaborative approach to promote rehabilitation, and have been found to be effective in California and nationwide. Participants in California had “significantly lower rates of recidivism,” according to a study in 2006 commissioned by the Judicial Council of California: 29% were rearrested compared with 41% of a group who didn’t receive treatment.

The Center for Justice Innovation, a nationwide research and reform group that grew out of the New York state court system, found that drug court caseloads dropped across California after Proposition 47.

Still, advocates who favor decriminalization challenge the idea that the approach is effective and say coerced treatment violates people’s rights. Meanwhile, Lenore Anderson, a co-author of Proposition 47, said “we cannot pretend that this sort of feel-good idea that we’re going to arrest and incarcerate out of it is going to work. It never has.”

Proposition 47 led to an increase in property crime, but there is no evidence that changes in drug arrests sparked any increases in crime, found a recent study by the nonprofit, nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.

The latest reform effort leaves many questions, said Darren Urada of the University of California-Los Angeles Integrated Substance Abuse Programs. He was the principal investigator on UCLA’s evaluation of an earlier attempt to promote treatment.

“When policies are properly implemented, treatment obtained through courts can help people. However, there are a lot of details here that are not clear, and therefore a lot of opportunities for this to go poorly,” Urada said.

For instance, the ballot measure doesn’t say what would happen to someone who enters treatment but relapses, as is common; how long they would have to complete the program; or what would constitute completion for someone in long-term treatment for mental illness or substance abuse.

Those details were deliberately left vague so that local experts like community corrections partnerships, which are already established under existing law, could decide what works best in their jurisdictions, Totten said.

Totten expects a range of approaches including diversion programs and inpatient and outpatient treatment, and that judges would be guided by the recommendations of treatment professionals.

“I’m hopeful that that will help people who are really struggling with addiction, living on the streets, who engage in petty theft and other crimes in order to support their habit — that it will be a doorway into treatment for them,” said Anna Lembke, a Stanford University addiction expert.

The November ballot measure also would allow judges to send drug dealers to state prisons instead of county jails and boost penalties for possessing fentanyl. It would make it easier to charge someone with murder if they provide illegal drugs that kill someone.

The changes could increase California’s prison population, currently about 90,000, and its county jail and community supervision population, currently around 250,000, each by “a few thousand people,” projects the state’s nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office. Opponents of the measure project that the increase would be far higher: 65,000 people, most for drug offenses and most of them people of color.

Newsom, one of the initiative’s most outspoken critics, argues that the November ballot measure lacks any funding; would reduce the $800 million in Proposition 47 savings, much of which has gone to treatment and diversion programs; and would only aggravate an existing lack of treatment alternatives.

“Prop. 36 takes us back to the 1980s,” Newsom, a Democrat, said in August as he signed a package of 10 property crime bills that he and legislative leaders tout as an alternative to the broader ballot measure.

Yet, illustrating the contentiousness of the debate, the ballot measure has been endorsed by some Democratic leaders, including San Francisco Mayor London Breed, San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria, and San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, who often highlight its treatment requirement.

Florida’s New Covid Booster Guidance Is Straight-Up Misinformation

In what has become a pattern of spreading vaccine misinformation, the Florida health department is telling older Floridians and others at highest risk from covid-19 to avoid most booster shots, saying they are potentially dangerous.

Clinicians and scientists denounced the message as politically fueled scaremongering that also weakens efforts to protect against diseases like measles and whooping cough.

A prominent Florida doctor expressed dismay that medical leaders in the state, leery of angering Gov. Ron DeSantis, have been slow to counter anti-vaccine messages from Surgeon General Joseph Ladapo, including the latest covid bulletin. Ladapo is a DeSantis appointee and the top official at the state health department.

The bulletin makes a number of false or unproven claims about the efficacy and safety of mRNA-based covid vaccines by Pfizer and Moderna, including that they could threaten “the integrity of the human genome.” Florida’s guidance generally regurgitates ideas from anti-vaccine websites, said John Moore, a professor of microbiology at Weill Cornell Medicine.

Ladapo did not respond to a request for comment. DeSantis referred questions to the health department, which said the surgeon general’s guidance and citations “speak for themselves” and pointed to a post he made on the social platform X accusing the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and FDA of “gaslighting Americans.”

DeSantis has styled himself and his administration as a bulwark against vaccine mandates, lockdowns, and other restrictive public health protections adopted during the pandemic to curb infections and save lives. Covid vaccination has become a partisan issue, with surveys by KFF, the health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News, the publisher of California Healthline, finding that Republicans have far less confidence in the safety and efficacy of the shots than Democrats.

But vaccine historians consulted for this article could not recall any previous state health leader urging residents to shun an FDA-approved and CDC-recommended vaccination. “It’s unprecedented,” said Paul Offit, director of the Vaccine Education Center at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia.

Florida medical leaders should speak out more forcefully against Ladapo’s attacks on public health, said Jeffrey Goldhagen, a pediatrician and professor at the University of Florida College of Medicine in Jacksonville. Ladapo urged people under 65 to avoid covid shots last year and has rejected public health protocols for fighting measles outbreaks.

“What you see is a pattern of fear and neglect of professional responsibilities across the state, in part because of the fear of this governor and the vindictiveness of this governor,” said Goldhagen, a former health department director in Jacksonville.

He specifically criticized the Florida Medical Association, a trade group for physicians, noting that Ladapo is a nonvoting member of the group’s board of governors. The association did not respond to emails requesting comment.

The Florida Health Care Association, whose members run more than 600 long-term care facilities, declined to comment on Ladapo’s bulletin. One nursing home chain, LeadingAge Southeast, said it was aware of both federal and state recommendations on covid boosters and encouraged providers to “engage with their residents, families, and healthcare professionals to make informed decisions.”

A spokesperson for the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, Cherie Duvall-Jones, said the agency “strongly disagrees with the State Surgeon General of Florida’s characterization of the safety and effectiveness of the updated mRNA COVID-19 vaccines.” The vaccines met the FDA’s “rigorous, scientific standards,” she said, and she urged people to get boosters since the population’s covid immunity has waned.

Among its incorrect claims, the Florida bulletin says the new mRNA boosters wrongly target a viral variant, omicron, that is no longer circulating widely. This is false, since all major variants of covid in the past two years evolved from omicron and subsequent mutations.

“You start off with that and then you go into head-exploding-emoji territory,” Moore said. “It’s a litany of lies out of the anti-vaxxer playbook.”

Other claims in Ladapo’s bulletin include:

  • Covid boosters don’t undergo clinical trials. It’s true that covid booster shots, whose mRNA sequences are changed slightly from previous shots, aren’t tested in large trials. Neither are annual influenza vaccines. By the time such tests would be completed, flu season would be over. But the original mRNA shots underwent clinical trials, and as with flu shots, “a lot of evidence has been collected in support of the ongoing use of the vaccines,” said Natalie Dean, a biostatistician at Emory University’s Rollins School of Public Health.
  • The shots pose a risk of infections, autoimmune disease, and other conditions. “I don’t know where these claims come from, but they aren’t accepted by the general medical community,” said William Schaffner, a Vanderbilt University School of Medicine infectious disease specialist. Serious side effects do occur, rarely, as with any medication. U.S. authorities were among the first to detect rare occurrences of myocarditis, an inflammation of the heart tissue, in young adults who got the covid vaccine. Most patients recovered quickly. Myocarditis is more commonly caused by covid infection itself.
  • The shots could cause elevated levels of spike protein and foreign genetic material in the blood. These concerns, which circulate on social media, have been disproved or have not panned out. For example, the billionths-of-a-gram quantities of bacterial DNA alleged to be contaminating covid shots are dwarfed by our other exposures, Offit said. “You encounter foreign DNA all the time, assuming you live on the planet and eat anything made from animals or vegetables,” he said. “I don’t know Dr. Ladapo, but I assume he does.”
  • Americans face “unknown risk” from too many booster shots. Scientists look at the possibility of “overvaccination” every time they study boosters. So far, no safety risks have been associated with multiple immunizations, Schaffner said.
  • Floridians should get exercise and eat vegetables and “healthy fats.” “These things will benefit your general health, but none of them will prevent covid,” Schaffner said.

The bulletin urges all Floridians, including older residents, to avoid mRNA vaccines and find alternatives. But it comes off as “not in good faith” because it doesn’t specifically mention the only non-mRNA vaccine available, from Novavax, Dean said.

Several critics of Ladapo’s bulletin said it read like a tryout for a job in a Trump administration advised by longtime anti-vaccine activist Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has said Trump wants him to help vet senior health officials. Trump has said children receive too many vaccines and suggested that vaccines cause autism, a myth debunked by years of scientific research.

Ironically, although his administration oversaw the triumphantly rapid creation of the first covid vaccines, Trump declined to receive his shots in public, as presidents have done during past epidemics.

Ladapo’s vaccine statement “aligns with Project 2025,” Offit said, referring to the conservative Heritage Foundation policy blueprint. While the plan’s authors include officials from Trump’s first term, he has said it doesn’t reflect his views.

The document calls the CDC “perhaps the most incompetent and arrogant agency in the federal government.”

Organized resistance to vaccines has existed as long as vaccination itself. Within six months of the release of the mRNA vaccines in December 2020, about 70% of American adults were vaccinated. Those who refused put themselves at greater risk of hospitalization or death if they contracted covid, studies have shown.

Cheryl Holder, an internist who practices in Miami, said Ladapo’s statements had dampened interest in vaccination overall. People who are blasé about covid “also don’t want to take the tetanus vaccine, and they don’t want to take the pneumococcal vaccine, or the flu vaccine,” she said.

“We’re in the disinformation age,” Offit said. “It’s certainly a lucrative business, more lucrative than the information business. But what really bothers me is when you have people who are credentialed stand up and say these ridiculous things.”

Ladapo, he noted, has medical and doctoral degrees from Harvard.

Healthbeat is a nonprofit newsroom covering public health published by Civic News Company and KFF Health News. Sign up for its newsletters here.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

How North Carolina Made Its Hospitals Do Something About Medical Debt

North Carolina officials had been quietly laboring for months on an ambitious plan to tackle the state’s mammoth medical debt problem when Gov. Roy Cooper stepped before cameras in July to announce the initiative.

But as Cooper stood by the stairs of the executive mansion and called for “freeing people from medical debt,” the future of his administration’s work hung in the balance.

Negotiations were fraying between the state and the powerful hospital industry over the plan to make hospitals relieve patient debt or lose billions of dollars of public funding tied to the state’s Medicaid expansion. The federal government hadn’t signed off on North Carolina’s plan, putting funding at risk. And not a single hospital official stood with the governor that day.

Less than six weeks later, the gamble paid off. The state received a federal blessing. And every one of North Carolina’s 99 hospitals agreed to the state’s demands.

In exchange for federal money, hospitals would wipe out billions of dollars of patient debt and adopt new standards to shield patients from crippling bills.

“It’s a model that the rest of the country could adopt,” said Jared Walker, founder of Dollar For, a national nonprofit that helps patients get financial aid from hospitals. “This is what we’ve been fighting for.”

But it was no sure thing. The behind-the-scenes story of North Carolina’s effort — based on hundreds of pages of public records and interviews with state officials and others involved — reveals a months-long struggle as the state went toe-to-toe with its hospitals.

Multibillion-dollar health systems and the industry’s powerful trade group vigorously fought the medical debt plan, records show. They sowed fears of collapsing rural health care. They warned of legal fights and a showdown with the legislature. And they maneuvered to get the federal government to kill the plan.

The Cooper administration had powerful allies in Washington, though. The Biden administration — and Vice President Kamala Harris specifically — had made reducing medical debt a priority. And in the end, the state held the highest card: money.

Building on Medicaid Expansion

North Carolina’s new path was paved by years of frustration.

The state has long had among the highest rates of medical debt in the nation. As many as 3 million adults likely carry such debt, KFF polling and credit bureau data suggest.

Debt is highest in nonwhite communities and in eastern North Carolina, credit bureau data analyzed by the nonprofit Urban Institute shows. And while some debts may be small, the KFF poll found that at least a quarter of people nationally with debt owe more than $5,000.

North Carolina hospitals also have been aggressive debt collectors, taking thousands of patients to court, placing liens on homes, and garnishing tax refunds.

The largest system, Atrium Health — part of Advocate Health, a multistate tax-exempt conglomerate that reported more than $31 billion in revenue and $2.2 billion in profit last year — sued almost 2,500 patients from 2017 to 2022, a report found.

Officials from Atrium and 14 other hospital systems declined to be interviewed about the debt plan.

An exterior photograph of the Carolinas Medical Center on a bright sunny day.
Carolinas Medical Center, in Charlotte, is one of more than three dozen hospitals owned by Atrium Health — North Carolina’s largest hospital chain.(Alex Slitz/Charlotte Observer)

Hospitals have beaten back efforts to restrict their aggressive billing. While an ambitious bill to expand patient protections attracted bipartisan support in the general assembly, it stalled last year in the face of industry opposition.

“Hospitals are good lobbyists,” the governor said in a recent interview. “They’re able to often stop legislation they don’t like.”

In 2023 the health care landscape in the state shifted. After years of resistance, GOP leadership in the legislature agreed to expand eligibility for Medicaid, the safety net insurance program.

The expansion promised to make coverage available to hundreds of thousands of previously uninsured low-income residents and to protect them from going into debt.

But as Cooper, a Democrat, and his top health official, Kody Kinsley, traveled the state to celebrate coverage gains, they saw a gap. The expansion didn’t help people who’d already racked up big bills. “They were still carrying the burden of that debt,” Kinsley said.

With one more year in office, Cooper and Kinsley, whose interest in medical debt was colored by being the child of working-class parents, resolved to take a final shot at the debt problem.

“It’s just a metastasized disease in the health system,” Kinsley said. “And going after it is just a tangle of thorns.”

Medicaid expansion offered a means, albeit untested, to do that, they believed.

Two men in suits speak on a stage.
North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Kody Kinsley (right) holds a press conference in Charlotte with Gov. Roy Cooper on Aug. 7 to discuss state efforts to relieve medical debt. Such debt can ruin credit, drive people into bankruptcy, and discourage people from getting needed care, they said.(Khadejeh Nikouyeh/Charlotte Observer)

The expansion would come with billions of dollars of new federal funding for hospitals through an arcane process known as a state-directed payment. This funding — which many states access to compensate hospitals for treating low-income patients — is criticized by some experts as excessive.

Rather than reject the money, however, Noth Carolina officials believed they could leverage it. Instead of giving it away with no strings attached, they asked, what if they made hospitals protect patients from medical debt in exchange for the funds? If hospitals wouldn’t, the state would dock their money.

“It was a clear tool that we now had on the table,” said Kinsley, who oversaw development of the debt plan and negotiations with hospitals and the federal government.

Many hospital systems in North Carolina stood to get nearly twice as much money by agreeing to participate in the debt relief plan, state figures show. Charlotte-based Atrium, for instance, would get about $1.7 billion next year, compared with roughly $900 million if it didn’t sign on.

But the added money would come with a catch.

Seeking Trusted Partners

Kinsley and his aides quickly settled on two things to demand from health systems.

Hospitals would have to eliminate outstanding debts of their low-income patients. This approach had been pioneered by New York-based nonprofit Undue Medical Debt, which buys old debt for pennies on the dollar and retires it.

Hospitals would also have to change their financial aid policies so more patients could get help with big bills and fewer would go into debt.

Most hospitals already offer discounts to low-income patients. But standards vary, and many hospitals make it difficult to apply for assistance. To address this, some states have imposed uniform standards on hospitals.

North Carolina state officials wanted the same. They knew, however, that threatening hospital money would stir opposition from the industry’s lobbying arm, the influential North Carolina Healthcare Association.

So Kinsley and his aides reached out directly to a handful of hospital systems, including UNC Health, the nonprofit system affiliated with the state’s public university system. “We were essentially road-testing what the actual policies could be and how they would work,” Kinsley said.

Through the first months of 2024, state officials took pains to keep the conversations confidential, emails obtained through a public records request show. When Kinsley’s aides provided drafts to hospital officials, they asked that the proposals be shared “with only a few select colleagues.”

State and hospital officials went back and forth over which patients should qualify for free or discounted care, how to relieve old patient debts, and how to better screen patients for aid.

The process convinced state officials that their plan would work. Some hospitals had already retired patients’ debts. Others had financial assistance policies that paralleled the standards the state was contemplating.

“We had sought out hospitals of different shapes and sizes,” Kinsley said. “We had gleaned from other states what the best practices were and what was really workable.”

‘A Total Explosion’

Then in late April, word of the negotiations between the state and the select group of hospitals leaked.

Kinsley said his cellphone lit up. “Everybody freaked out,” he recalled. “Every lobbyist was coming after me. It was just a total explosion.”

Among them was the North Carolina Healthcare Association and its veteran chief executive, Steve Lawler, who began peppering Kinsley’s office with sharply worded letters attacking the medical debt plan and predicting dire consequences.

Lawler warned that patients would face higher insurance costs. Moreover, he alleged it was illegal to use federal Medicaid dollars to force hospitals to provide widespread debt relief.

“Such a trade-off is not permissible,” Lawler wrote on May 2.

North Carolina Healthcare Association CEO Steve Lawler(North Carolina Healthcare Association)

Days later, Kinsley fired back a long letter to Lawler, saying that the plan was a legally sound effort to address a crisis that was “harming our neighbors.”

But the damage had been done. The hospitals working with the state changed their tone, and the industry closed ranks.

Meanwhile the hospital association made plans to convene a meeting with health insurers and business leaders to discuss medical debt, an approach that threatened to slow the state effort to hold hospitals singularly accountable. The group met at Ruth’s Chris Steak House in Raleigh, a restaurant where a steak costs $60 and up.

In a recent interview, Lawler said the hospital group was just trying to build consensus for a different strategy for tackling medical debt. “This was a big enough issue that it just required a bigger-tent conversation,” he said.

To state officials, it looked like an industry play to derail the medical debt plan. “I didn’t know if it was going to fall apart,” Kinsley said.

Pressing Ahead

For lower-income residents, the stakes were high.

The state’s program was designed to erase around $4 billion in hospital debt for nearly 2 million people dating to 2014, according to state estimates.

If approved, the plan would also require hospitals to automatically qualify more patients for charity care, provide discounts to low- and middle-income patients, and stop reporting these patients to credit agencies if they couldn’t pay.

So despite the pushback, state officials kept up their dialogue with hospitals and made revisions to address some concerns, records show.

Among the concessions, the state proposed that hospitals offer debt relief to patients with incomes below 3½ times the federal poverty level, or $109,200 for a family of four. The state had initially sought to mandate aid for people making less than four times the poverty level.

State officials also secured a legal opinion from a Medicaid expert in Washington, D.C., who confirmed that the state’s approach wouldn’t run afoul of federal rules.

But time was running out. The state needed to submit its plan by the end of June or risk losing the federal money. And Cooper and Kinsley still wanted at least a few hospitals on board to build momentum.

“The win here would be hospitals and the department solving a problem that was real and meaningful for people, and we could walk out together and say this is what we got done,” Kinsley said in an interview later.

Email records indicate that some systems, such as Cone Health, considered joining Kinsley and the governor when they announced the plan July 1.

None did. And by the following week, the state was barraged by letters from hospitals across the state lambasting the medical debt plan.

Ken Haynes, a senior Atrium official, wrote that the proposal would set “a dangerous precedent” and warned that insurance companies would raise deductibles, knowing that hospitals would have to forgive bills for many patients.

Novant Health, a large nonprofit system with seven hospitals in and around Charlotte, argued that financial assistance should be limited to uninsured patients and those with Medicaid. “Policies should avoid broad debt relief approaches that divert scarce hospital resources,” wrote Alice Pope, the system’s chief financial officer.

In 2023, Novant posted $8.3 billion in revenue and more than $460 million in profit.

An exterior photograph of the Novant Health Presbyterian Medical Center on a sunny day.
Novant Health Presbyterian Medical Center in Charlotte(Robert Lahser/Charlotte Observer)

New Bern-based CarolinaEast Health System, insisted the plan would “cripple rural healthcare organizations.” Granville Health System, which runs a community hospital in the center of the state, contended that “hospitals are being used as pawns to achieve preferred political and policy objectives on questionable legal authority.”

In mid-July, Lawler at the North Carolina Healthcare Association wrote directly to the head of the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, urging it to reject the state’s plan. Lawler said the plan “set a dangerous precedent” by linking Medicaid funding to medical debt policy.

Dominoes Fall

But North Carolina officials maintained close contact with the federal agency, giving them confidence they’d get the green light, despite hospital opposition.

On July 26, approval came through, a month and a day after North Carolina submitted the plan. Federal review of state plans can often take three or four times as long.

The state gave hospitals until 5 p.m. on Friday, Aug. 9, to accept the new medical debt standards or forfeit billions of dollars.

By Aug. 7, only 37 of the state’s 99 hospitals had signed on.

Then the tide shifted. By Friday evening, state officials had locked in all 99.

Implementing the plan promises to be complicated, with logistical challenges, wary Republicans in the legislature, and hospitals smarting over the showdown. And, as state leaders acknowledge, more action is needed to constrain high prices hospitals still command.

But with taxpayers pumping billions of dollars into health systems nationwide, North Carolina’s gambit offers a potential road map for leveraging public funds to confront a crisis that burdens some 100 million people in the U.S.

“North Carolina has been really strategic in using the lever of its Medicaid payments,” said Christopher Koller, president of the Milbank Memorial Fund, a health policy nonprofit. “The focus of health systems should be caring for patients, not bullying them for every last penny to run their business.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Across North Carolina, Medical Debt Exacts a Heavy Toll

On March 30, 2019, a swerving car upended Tom Burke’s life.

Severely injured after the crash, Burke was airlifted from the Fort Liberty U.S. Army base in North Carolina to UNC Medical Center, in Chapel Hill, where doctors performed surgeries to rebuild his leg.

Medicaid covered most of the cost, but Burke was still left with more than $10,000 in bills. He was confined to a wheelchair for two years after the accident, unable to work his car sales job. As a result, he said, he couldn’t pay the outstanding hospital bill and his account was turned over to a collection agency.

Since then, he and his wife repeatedly tried to buy a house. But because of damage to his credit score, mortgage companies repeatedly turned them down.

“We were forced into homelessness for a time,” said Burke, whose family moved from North Carolina to Missouri in 2020. “For everything we need credit for, we’re screwed.”

Burke is among millions of people burdened by medical debt, a nationwide problem that surveys and data suggest is particularly acute in North Carolina.

Using credit bureau data, the nonprofit Urban Institute calculated that more than 8% of North Carolina consumers had an unpaid medical bill on their credit report in 2023, compared with 5% nationally.

In fact, only Oklahoma, Wyoming, South Carolina, and Texas had higher levels of medical debt on credit reports than North Carolina, researchers found.

Nationally, 41% of adults — or about 100 million people — have some kind of health care debt, according to a 2022 survey by KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News, the publisher of California Healthline.

The KFF survey was designed to capture not just bills patients couldn’t afford and that end up on credit reports, but also other debt patients incur to pay for health care, including from credit cards, payment plans, and loans from friends and family.

The KFF survey didn’t include state-specific findings, but if North Carolina’s debt burden precisely matched the national rate — meaning 41% of adults in the state had health care debt — then approximately 3.4 million North Carolinians would be in debt.

This is probably a low estimate, however, since the credit bureau data and other sources suggest that medical debt is higher in North Carolina than nationally.

The credit bureau data also indicates that medical debt is highest in Anson and Cleveland counties, along with a band of counties in the eastern part of the state.

Mecklenburg County’s rate is slightly higher than the state rate. And as is the case nearly everywhere, there are large racial disparities in medical debt, with debt burdens in the county more than twice as high in nonwhite communities as in white ones, the Urban Institute data shows.

Burke, who earns less than $1,000 a month from Social Security Disability Insurance, said his family is now forced to rent, which has dramatically increased their living expenses.

His family of five shares tight quarters — a 980-square-foot rental home with just two full-sized bedrooms. They moved to Missouri because the cost of living is lower there.

Hospitals, he said, need to change their priorities.

“They’re not for patient care,” he said. “They’re for patient profit.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

She Was Accused of Murder After Losing Her Pregnancy. SC Woman Now Tells Her Story.

ORANGEBURG, S.C. — Amari Marsh had just finished her junior year at South Carolina State University in May 2023 when she received a text message from a law enforcement officer.

“Sorry it has taken this long for paperwork to come back,” the officer wrote. “But I finally have the final report, and wanted to see if you and your boyfriend could meet me Wednesday afternoon for a follow up?”

Marsh understood that the report was related to a pregnancy loss she’d experienced that March, she said. During her second trimester, Marsh said, she unexpectedly gave birth in the middle of the night while on a toilet in her off-campus apartment. She remembered screaming and panicking and said the bathroom was covered in blood.

“I couldn’t breathe,” said Marsh, now 23.

The next day, when Marsh woke up in the hospital, she said, a law enforcement officer asked her questions. Then, a few weeks later, she said, she received a call saying she could collect her daughter’s ashes.

At that point, she said, she didn’t know she was being criminally investigated. Yet three months after her loss, Marsh was charged with murder/homicide by child abuse, law enforcement records show. She spent 22 days at the Orangeburg-Calhoun Regional Detention Center, where she was initially held without bond, facing 20 years to life in prison.

This August, 13 months after she was released from jail to house arrest with an ankle monitor, Marsh was cleared by a grand jury. Her case will not proceed to trial.

Her story raises questions about the state of reproductive rights in this country, disparities in health care, and pregnancy criminalization, especially for Black women like Marsh. More than two years after the U.S. Supreme Court issued its Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision, which allowed states to outlaw abortion, the climate around these topics remains highly charged.

Marsh’s case also highlights what’s at stake in November. Sixty-one percent of voters want Congress to pass a federal law restoring a nationwide right to abortion, according to a recent poll by KFF, the health policy research, polling, and news organization that includes KFF Health News, the publisher of California Healthline. These issues could shape who wins the White House and controls Congress, and will come to a head for voters in the 10 states where ballot initiatives about abortion will be decided.

This case shows how pregnancy loss is being criminalized around the country, said U.S. Rep. James Clyburn, a Democrat and graduate of South Carolina State University whose congressional district includes Orangeburg.

“This is not a slogan when we talk about this being an ‘election about the restoration of our freedoms,’” Clyburn said.

‘I Was Scared’

When Marsh took an at-home pregnancy test in November 2022, the positive result scared her. “I didn’t know what to do. I didn’t want to let my parents down,” she said. “I was in a state of shock.”

She didn’t seek prenatal care, she said, because she kept having her period. She thought the pregnancy test might have been wrong.

An incident report filed by the Orangeburg County Sheriff’s Office on the day she lost the pregnancy stated that in January 2023 Marsh made an appointment at a Planned Parenthood clinic in Columbia to “take the Plan-C pill which would possibly cause an abortion to occur.” The report doesn’t specify whether she took — or even obtained — the drug.

During an interview at her parents’ house, Marsh denied going to Planned Parenthood or taking medicine to induce abortion.

“I’ve never been in trouble. I’ve never been pulled over. I’ve never been arrested,” Marsh said. “I never even got written up in school.”

A photo of four people seated in a living room.
Zipporah Sumpter, Amari Marsh, Herman Marsh, and Regina Marsh at the Marshes’ home.(Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

She played clarinet as section leader in the marching band and once performed at Carnegie Hall. In college, she was majoring in biology and planned to become a doctor.

South Carolina state Rep. Seth Rose, a Democrat in Columbia and one of Marsh’s attorneys, called it a “really tragic” case. “It’s our position that she lost a child through natural causes,” he said.

On Feb. 28, 2023, Marsh said, she experienced abdominal pain that was “way worse” than regular menstrual cramps. She went to the emergency room, investigation records show, but left after several hours without being treated. Back at home, she said, the pain grew worse. She returned to the hospital, this time by ambulance.

Hospital staffers crowded around her, she said, and none of them explained what was happening to her. Bright lights shone in her face. “I was scared,” she said.

According to the sheriff’s department report, hospital staffers told Marsh that she was pregnant and that a fetal heartbeat could be detected. Freaked out and confused, she chose to leave the hospital a second time, she said, and her pain had subsided.

In the middle of the night, she said, the pain started again. She woke up, she recalled, feeling an intense urge to use the bathroom. “And when I did, the child came,” she said. “I screamed because I was scared, because I didn’t know what was going on.”

Her boyfriend at the time called 911. The emergency dispatcher “kept telling me to take the baby out” of the toilet, she recalled. “I couldn’t because I couldn’t even keep myself together.”

First medical responders detected signs of life and tried to perform lifesaving measures as they headed to Regional Medical Center in Orangeburg, the incident report said. But at the hospital, Marsh learned that her infant, a girl, had not survived.

“I kept asking to see the baby,” she said. “They wouldn’t let me.”

The following day, a sheriff’s deputy told Marsh in her hospital room that the incident was under investigation but said that Marsh “was currently not in any trouble,” according to the report. Marsh responded that “she did not feel as though she did anything wrong.”

More than 10 weeks later, nothing about the text messages she received from an officer in mid-May implied that the follow-up meeting about the final report was urgent.

“Oh it doesn’t have to be Wednesday, it can be next week or another week,” the officer wrote in an exchange that Marsh shared with California Healthline. “I just have to meet with y’all in person before I can close the case out. I am so sorry”

“No problem I understand,” Marsh wrote back.

She didn’t tell her parents or consider hiring a lawyer. “I didn’t think I needed one,” she said.

Marsh arranged to meet the officer on June 2, 2023. During that meeting, she was arrested. Her boyfriend was not charged.

Her father, Herman Marsh, the band director at a local public school in Orangeburg, thought it was a bad joke until reality set in. “I told my wife, I said, ‘We need to get an attorney now.’”

A photo of an older man sitting and looking contemplative.
Herman Marsh says his daughter Amari has needed a lot of time to process her grief after experiencing a pregnancy loss in 2023. “My job as her father is to be there for her,” he says. (Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

A photo of an older woman sitting and looking contemplative.
After Regina Marsh learned that her daughter Amari had lost a pregnancy in 2023, she shared with her that she had miscarried many years ago. Regina was about three months pregnant with twins when she lost the babies. (Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

A photo of a husband and wife seated next to each other with serious expressions on their faces.
While the Marshes’ daughter Amari was cleared of charges in August, the family is still processing the ordeal.(Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

Pregnancy Criminalization

When Marsh lost her pregnancy on March 1, 2023, women in South Carolina could still obtain an abortion until 20 weeks beyond fertilization, or the gestational age of 22 weeks.

Later that spring, South Carolina’s Republican-controlled legislature passed a ban that prohibits providers from performing abortions after fetal cardiac activity can be detected, with some exceptions made for cases of rape, incest, or when the mother’s life is in jeopardy. That law does not allow criminal penalties for women who seek or obtain abortions.

Solicitor David Pascoe, a Democrat elected to South Carolina’s 1st Judicial Circuit whose office handled Marsh’s prosecution, said the issues of abortion and reproductive rights weren’t relevant to this case.

“It had nothing to do with that,” he told California Healthline.

The arrest warrant alleges that not moving the infant from the toilet at the urging of the dispatcher was ultimately “a proximate cause of her daughter’s death.” The warrant also cites as the cause of death “respiratory complications” due to a premature delivery stemming from a maternal chlamydia infection. Marsh said she was unaware of the infection until after the pregnancy loss.

Pascoe said the question raised by investigators was whether Marsh failed to render aid to the infant before emergency responders arrived at the apartment, he said. Ultimately, the grand jury decided there wasn’t probable cause to proceed with a criminal trial, he said. “I respect the grand jury’s opinion.”

Marsh’s case is a “prime example of how pregnancy loss can become a criminal investigation very quickly,” said Dana Sussman, senior vice president of Pregnancy Justice, a nonprofit that tracks such cases. While similar cases predate the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, she said, they seem to be increasing.

“The Dobbs decision unleashed and empowered prosecutors to look at pregnant people as a suspect class and at pregnancy loss as a suspicious event,” she said.

Local and national anti-abortion groups seized on Marsh’s story when her name and mug shot were published online by The Times and Democrat of Orangeburg. Holly Gatling, executive director of South Carolina Citizens for Life, wrote a blog post about Marsh titled, in part, “Orangeburg Newborn Dies in Toilet” that was published by National Right to Life. Gatling and National Right to Life did not respond to interview requests.

Marsh said she made the mistake of googling herself when she was released from jail.

“It was heartbreaking to see all those things,” she said. “I cried so many times.”

When Marsh was arrested last year, her name and mug shot were published and shared by anti-abortion groups. “I’m not how they depict me to be,” she says. “Before all of this, I was just a college student trying to start my career.”(Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

Some physicians are also afraid of being painted as criminals. The nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights published a report on Sept. 17 about Florida’s six-week abortion ban that included input from two dozen doctors, many of whom expressed fear about the criminal penalties imposed by the law.

“The health care systems are afraid,” said Michele Heisler, medical director for the nonprofit. “There’s all these gray areas. So everyone is just trying to be extra careful. Unfortunately, as a result, patients are suffering.”

Chelsea Daniels, a family medicine doctor who works for Planned Parenthood in Miami and performs abortions, said that in early September she saw a patient who had a miscarriage during the first trimester of her pregnancy. The patient had been to four hospitals and brought in the ultrasound scans performed at each facility.

“No one would touch her,” Daniels said. “Each ultrasound scan she brought in represents, on the other side, a really terrified doctor who is doing their best to interpret the really murky legal language around abortion care and miscarriage management, which are the same things, essentially.”

Florida is one of the 10 states with a ballot measure related to abortion in November, although it is the only Southern state with one. Others are Montana, Missouri, and Maryland.

‘I Found My Strength’

Zipporah Sumpter, one of Marsh’s lawyers, said the law enforcement system treated her client as a criminal instead of a grieving mother. “This is not a criminal matter,” Sumpter said.

It was not just the fraught climate around pregnancy that caused Marsh to suffer; “race definitely played a factor,” said Sumpter, who does not believe Marsh received compassionate care when she went to the hospital the first or second time.

A photo of a Black woman standing with her arms crossed outside. She is Amari Marsh's lawyer.
Zipporah Sumpter, Marsh’s attorney, says law enforcement treated her client as a criminal instead of a grieving mother.(Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

The management of Regional Medical Center, where Marsh was treated, changed shortly after her hospitalization. The hospital is now managed by the Medical University of South Carolina, and its spokesperson declined to comment on Marsh’s case.

Historically, birth outcomes for Black women in Orangeburg County, where Marsh lost her pregnancy, have ranked among the worst in South Carolina. From 2020 through 2022, the average mortality rate for Black infants born in Orangeburg County was more than three times as high as the average rate for white infants statewide.

Today, Marsh is still trying to process all that happened. She moved back in with her parents and is seeing a therapist. She is taking classes at a local community college and hopes to reenroll at South Carolina State University to earn a four-year degree. She still wants to become a doctor. She keeps her daughter’s ashes on a bookshelf in her bedroom.

“Through all of this, I found my strength. I found my voice. I want to help other young women that are in my position now and will be in the future,” she said. “I always had faith that God was going to be on my side, but I didn’t know how it was going to go with the justice system we have today.”

A photo of Zipporah Sumpter with her arms around Amari Marsh's shoulders. Both are looking at the camera. They are standing by a structure with plaques behind them that read, "Justice" and "Community."
Marsh with her attorney, Zipporah Sumpter, outside the Orangeburg County Courthouse in South Carolina.(Sam Wolfe for KFF Health News)

KFF Health News Florida correspondent Daniel Chang contributed to this article.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

La nueva guía de Florida sobre los refuerzos de covid es pura desinformación

En lo que se ha convertido en un patrón de diseminación de desinformación sobre las vacunas, el Departamento de Salud de Florida está aconsejando a sus residentes mayores y a otros en mayor riesgo de covid-19 que eviten la mayoría de los refuerzos, asegurando que son potencialmente peligrosos.

Clínicos y científicos denuncian este mensaje como una táctica de miedo con motivación política que también debilita los esfuerzos para proteger contra enfermedades como el sarampión y la tos ferina.

Un destacado médico de Florida expresó su consternación por el hecho de que los líderes médicos del estado, temerosos de enfurecer al gobernador Ron DeSantis, hayan sido lentos para contrarrestar los mensajes antivacunas del cirujano general Joseph Ladapo, incluido el último boletín sobre covid.

Ladapo fue nombrado por DeSantis y es el principal funcionario del departamento de salud estatal.

El boletín contiene una serie de afirmaciones falsas, o no comprobadas, sobre la eficacia y seguridad de las vacunas contra covid basadas en ARNm de Pfizer y Moderna, diciendo cosas tales como que podrían amenazar “la integridad del genoma humano”.

En general, la guía de Florida repite ideas de sitios de internet antivacunas, dijo John Moore, profesor de microbiología en Weill Cornell Medicine.

Ladapo no respondió a una solicitud de comentarios. DeSantis remitió las preguntas al departamento, que dijo que las directrices y citas del cirujano general “hablan por sí mismas” y señaló un post suyo en la plataforma X acusando a los Centros para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC) y la Administración de Drogas y Alimentos (FDA) de “engañar a los estadounidenses”.

DeSantis se ha presentado a sí mismo y a su administración como un baluarte contra los mandatos de vacunas, los confinamientos y otras protecciones de salud pública restrictivas adoptadas durante la pandemia para frenar las infecciones y salvar vidas.

La inmunización contra covid se ha convertido en un tema partidista, con encuestas de KFF, la organización de información sobre salud que incluye KFF Health News, que muestran que los republicanos tienen mucha menos confianza en la seguridad y eficacia de las vacunas que los demócratas.

Pero historiadores de las vacunas consultados para este artículo no recordaron ningún líder de salud estatal anterior que instara a los residentes a rechazar una vacuna aprobada por la FDA y recomendada por los CDC. “Es algo sin precedentes”, dijo Paul Offit, director del Centro de Educación sobre Vacunas del Hospital Infantil de Philadelphia.

Líderes médicos de Florida deberían pronunciarse más enérgicamente contra los ataques de Ladapo a la salud pública, dijo Jeffrey Goldhagen, pediatra y profesor en la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Florida en Jacksonville.

El año pasado, Ladapo instó a las personas menores de 65 años a no vacunarse contra covid, y ha rechazado los protocolos de salud pública para combatir brotes de sarampión.

“Lo que ves es un patrón de miedo y negligencia de las responsabilidades profesionales en todo el estado, en parte debido al temor a este gobernador y a su espíritu de venganza”, dijo Goldhagen, ex director del Departamento de Salud en Jacksonville.

Criticó específicamente a la Asociación Médica de Florida, un grupo comercial para médicos, señalando que Ladapo es miembro sin derecho a voto de la junta de gobernadores del grupo. La asociación no respondió a correos electrónicos solicitando comentarios.

La Asociación de Atención Médica de Florida, cuyos miembros administran más de 600 centros de atención de largo plazo, se negó a comentar sobre el boletín de Ladapo. Una cadena de hogares de adultos mayores, LeadingAge Southeast, dijo que estaba al tanto de las recomendaciones federales y estatales sobre los refuerzos de covid y alentó a los proveedores a “involucrarse con sus residentes, familias y profesionales de salud para tomar decisiones informadas”.

Cherie Duvall-Jones, vocera de la FDA, dijo que la agencia “está en fuerte desacuerdo con la caracterización del cirujano general de Florida sobre la seguridad y eficacia de las vacunas actualizadas de ARNm contra COVID-19”.

Las vacunas cumplieron con los “rigurosos estándares científicos” de la FDA, dijo, y exhortó a las personas a recibir refuerzos ya que la inmunidad de la población contra covid ha disminuido.

Entre sus afirmaciones incorrectas, el boletín dice que los nuevos refuerzos de ARNm atacan una variante viral, ómicron, que ya no circula ampliamente. Esto es falso, ya que todas las variantes principales de covid en los últimos dos años evolucionaron a partir de ómicron y mutaciones posteriores.

“Empiezas con eso y luego te adentras en territorio de ‘emojis con la cabeza explotando’”, dijo Moore. “Es una letanía de mentiras sacadas de un manual antivacunas”.

Otras afirmaciones en el boletín de Ladapo incluyen:

  • Los refuerzos de la vacuna contra covid no se prueban en ensayos clínicos. Es cierto que las dosis de refuerzo de la vacuna contra covid, cuyas secuencias de ARNm se modifican ligeramente en comparación con las dosis anteriores, no se prueban en ensayos clínicos a gran escala. Tampoco se prueban las vacunas anuales contra la gripe. Para cuando estas pruebas estuvieran completas, la temporada de gripe ya habría terminado. Sin embargo, las vacunas originales de ARNm sí pasaron por ensayos clínicos y, al igual que con las vacunas contra la gripe, “se ha recopilado mucha evidencia que respalda el uso continuo de las vacunas”, dijo Natalie Dean, bioestadística en la Escuela de Salud Pública Rollins de la Universidad Emory.
  • Las vacunas presentan un riesgo de infecciones, enfermedades autoinmunes y otras afecciones. “No sé de dónde vienen estas afirmaciones, pero no son aceptadas por la comunidad médica en general”, dijo William Schaffner, especialista en enfermedades infecciosas de la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad Vanderbilt. Los efectos secundarios graves ocurren, raramente, como con cualquier medicamento. Las autoridades estadounidenses fueron de las primeras en detectar casos raros de miocarditis, una inflamación del tejido cardíaco, en adultos jóvenes que recibieron la vacuna contra covid. La mayoría de los pacientes se recuperaron rápidamente. La miocarditis es causada con mayor frecuencia por la infección de covid en sí.
  • Las vacunas podrían causar niveles elevados de proteína espiga y material genético extraño en la sangre. Estas preocupaciones, que circulan en las redes sociales, han sido refutadas o no han tenido fundamento. Por ejemplo, las cantidades de billonésimas de gramo de ADN bacteriano que supuestamente contaminan las vacunas contra covid son insignificantes en comparación con otras exposiciones, dijo Offit. “Encuentras ADN extraño todo el tiempo, asumiendo que vives en el planeta y comes cualquier cosa hecha de animales o vegetales”, dijo. “No conozco al Dr. Ladapo, pero asumo que él también lo hace”.
  • Los estadounidenses enfrentan un “riesgo desconocido” por recibir demasiadas dosis de refuerzo. Los científicos examinan la posibilidad de una “sobre vacunación” cada vez que estudian los refuerzos. Hasta ahora, no se han asociado riesgos de seguridad con múltiples inmunizaciones, dijo Schaffner.
  • Los floridanos deben hacer ejercicio y comer vegetales y “grasas saludables”. “Estas cosas beneficiarán tu salud general, pero ninguna de ellas previene covid”, dijo Schaffner.

El boletín insta a todos, incluidos los residentes mayores, a evitar las vacunas de ARNm y encontrar alternativas. Pero parece que “no es de buena fe” porque no menciona específicamente la única vacuna no basada en ARNm disponible, de Novavax, dijo Dean.

Varios críticos del boletín de Ladapo dijeron que parecía un ensayo para un puesto en una administración Trump, editado por el activista antivacunas de larga data Robert F. Kennedy Jr., quien ha declarado que Trump quiere que lo ayude a evaluar a los altos funcionarios de salud.

Trump ha dicho que los niños reciben demasiadas vacunas y sugirió que causan autismo, un mito desmentido por años de investigación científica.

Irónicamente, aunque su administración supervisó la creación rápida y triunfal de las primeras vacunas contra covid, Trump se negó a recibir sus vacunas en público, como lo han hecho otros presidentes durante epidemias pasadas.

La declaración de Ladapo sobre las vacunas “se alinea con el Proyecto 2025”, dijo Offit, refiriéndose al plan de políticas de la conservadora Fundación Heritage. Aunque los autores del plan incluyen funcionarios del primer mandato de Trump, él ha dicho que no refleja sus puntos de vista.

El documento califica a los CDC como “tal vez la agencia más incompetente y arrogante del gobierno federal”.

La resistencia organizada a las vacunas ha existido desde que existe la vacunación. Durante los seis meses posteriores al lanzamiento de las vacunas de ARNm en diciembre de 2020, aproximadamente el 70% de los adultos estadounidenses estaban vacunados. Aquellos que se negaron se pusieron en mayor riesgo de hospitalización o muerte si contraían el coronavirus que causa covid, según han demostrado los estudios.

Cheryl Holder, internista que ejerce en Miami, dijo que las declaraciones de Ladapo habían causa una baja en el interés general en las vacunas. Las personas que son indiferentes a covid “tampoco quieren ponerse la vacuna contra el tétanos, ni la vacuna neumocócica, ni la vacuna contra la gripe”, dijo.

“Estamos en la era de la desinformación”, dijo Offit. “Ciertamente es un negocio lucrativo, más lucrativo que el negocio de la información. Pero lo que realmente me molesta es cuando personas con credenciales se paran y dicen estas cosas ridículas”.

Destacó que Ladapo tiene el título médico y doctorados de la Universidad de Harvard.

Healthbeat es una redacción sin fines de lucro que cubre temas de salud pública, que publica Civic News Company y KFF Health News. Regístrate para recibir sus boletines aquí.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Patients with Alcohol Use Disorder at Risk of Liver Disease May be Less Commonly Referred for Liver Treatment if they are primarily seen for Mental Health Disorders

Newswise — People with alcohol use disorder (AUD) who are at risk of advanced liver disease are less likely to be referred for liver evaluation and care if they present primarily with alcohol-related mental health issues or a mental health diagnosis, according to a study of referral practices in Virginia’s largest health system. The findings point to the possibility of widespread missed opportunities for treating three conditions that commonly co-occur: AUD, mental health disorders, and liver disease. Recent years have seen notable increases in the USA in alcohol-related deaths, mental health disorders, and hospital admissions relating to alcohol use and concurrent mental health conditions. AUD is a significant cause of liver disease, and both addiction and co-occurring mental illness can be barriers to successful liver treatment. Integrating AUD treatment, mental health care, and hepatology (liver care) is necessary to improve outcomes, but data suggests this approach is not the norm. For the study in Alcohol: Clinical & Experimental Research, investigators evaluated which patients with excessive alcohol use and potentially advanced liver disease were referred to hepatology for evaluation and treatment.

Researchers worked with data representing 316 patients experiencing excessive alcohol use who were treated between 2013 and 2023. All the patients in the study had results from FIB-4—a blood test included in routine lab work—correlating to a high risk of advanced liver fibrosis. The researchers collected information on the participants’ demographics, alcohol-related hospital admissions, predicted mortality, referral patterns, and mental health diagnoses and hospitalizations. They used statistical analysis to explore factors associated with referral to hepatology.

Most patients were men, and the average age was 60. Six in 10 were Caucasian, and nearly 4 in 10 African American. Only 37% of patients with excessive alcohol use and a high risk of advanced liver disease were referred for liver care. Referrals to hepatology were associated with higher FIB-4 scores, more co-occurring health conditions, and hospitalization due to AUD-related liver issues or gastrointestinal concerns. Patients less likely to be referred for liver care included those admitted to the hospital for physical injury or alcohol-related mental health concerns, who presented with mental health disorders, or who were older. Of these, patients with depression or suicidal ideation were more frequently referred to hepatology than patients with other mental health diagnoses.

The study identified an opportunity to increase integration of care across specialties serving patients with alcohol-related liver disease and mental health conditions. People presenting with primarily mental health or addiction issues were especially unlikely to be referred for appropriate liver care. The findings highlight the need for healthcare providers to be educated about the importance of multispecialty care, including hepatology and GI referrals. Managing liver disease is necessary for reducing the risk of cirrhosis, cancer, and other conditions and for liver transplant evaluation. Similarly, early identification of AUD in patients with liver disease is essential for improving outcomes.

Referral to hepatology is lower in patients with excessive alcohol use who have mental health disorders despite a high FIB-4 index. K. Houston, S. Harris, A.Teklezghi, S. Silvey, A. D. Snyder, A. J. Arias, J. S. Bajaj.                                                                     

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KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’: American Health Under Trump — Past, Present, and Future

The Host

Recent comments from former President Donald Trump and Republican lawmakers preview potential health policy pursuits under a second Trump administration. Trump is yet again eyeing changes to the Affordable Care Act, while key lawmakers want to repeal Medicare drug price negotiations.

Also, this week brought news of the first publicly reported death attributed to delayed care under a state abortion ban. Vice President Kamala Harris said the death shows the consequences of Trump’s actions to block abortion access.

This week’s panelists are Emmarie Huetteman of KFF Health News, Joanne Kenen of Politico and the Johns Hopkins University’s schools of nursing and public health, Tami Luhby of CNN, and Shefali Luthra of The 19th.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio), Trump’s running mate, says Trump is interested in loosening ACA rules to make cheaper policies available. While the campaign has said little about what Trump would do or how it would work, the changes could include eliminating protections against higher premiums for those with preexisting conditions. Republicans would also likely let enhanced subsidies for ACA premiums expire.
  • Key Republican lawmakers said this week that they’re interested in repealing the Inflation Reduction Act’s provisions enabling Medicare drug pricing negotiations. Should Trump win, that stance could create intraparty tensions with the former president, who has vowed to “take on Big Pharma.”
  • A state review board in Georgia ruled that the death in 2022 of a 28-year-old mother, after her doctors delayed performing a dilatation and curettage procedure, was preventable. Harris tied the death to Trump’s efforts to overturn Roe v. Wade, which included appointing three Supreme Court justices who voted to eliminate the constitutional right to an abortion.
  • And in health tech news, the FDA has separately green-lighted two new Apple product functions: an Apple Watch feature that assesses the wearer’s risk of sleep apnea, and an AirPods feature that turns the earbuds into hearing aids.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too: 

Emmarie Huetteman: The Washington Post’s “What Warning Labels Could Look Like on Your Favorite Foods,” by Lauren Weber and Rachel Roubein. 

Shefali Luthra: KFF Health News’ “At Catholic Hospitals, a Mission of Charity Runs Up Against High Care Costs for Patients,” by Rachana Pradhan. 

Tami Luhby: Politico Magazine’s “Doctors Are Leaving Conservative States To Learn To Perform Abortions. We Followed One,” by Alice Miranda Ollstein. 

Joanne Kenen: The New York Times’ “This Chatbot Pulls People Away From Conspiracy Theories,” by Teddy Rosenbluth, and The Atlantic’s “When Fact-Checks Backfire,” by Jerusalem Demsas. 

Also mentioned on this week’s podcast:

ProPublica’s “Abortion Bans Have Delayed Emergency Medical Care. In Georgia, Experts Say This Mother’s Death Was Preventable,” by Kavitha Surana.


To hear all our podcasts, click here.

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This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.