KHN’s ‘What the Health?’: Trump vs. COVID

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President Donald Trump’s COVID-19 diagnosis — and that of two dozen or more other officials in the White House and Capitol Hill — has scrambled an already confusing autumn. The president’s illness has thrown into doubt the remaining two presidential debates, and positive tests for several Republican senators may threaten the effort to push through a new Supreme Court justice before Election Day.

Meanwhile, it looks increasingly unlikely Congress will approve another round of economic relief before the election, even though that would be good for the president’s political fortunes and could help Democrats, too. And the Food and Drug Administration and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention continue to fight for scientific credibility.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of Kaiser Health News, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, Kimberly Leonard of Business Insider and Erin Mershon of Stat News.

Among the takeaways from this week’s podcast:

  • Trump’s physician, Dr. Sean Conley, has been heavily criticized for his lack of transparency about the president’s health while battling the coronavirus. Conley repeatedly said federal rules under the HIPAA law limited his ability to answer reporters’ questions. That’s because HIPAA (the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996) requires a patient’s consent to release medical information.
  • Nonetheless, Trump’s COVID diagnosis renews questions about whether the public has a right to know the details of a president’s health status, especially this year when both candidates are older than 70. Trump’s opponent, former Vice President Joe Biden, has released only limited information, too.
  • Trump’s decision to unilaterally call off negotiations on a coronavirus relief package baffled and concerned Republican lawmakers and strategists because it undermines their narrative that the Democrats have refused to budge during talks.
  • Although the president has said he would support smaller stimulus bills that would help specific industries or consumers, it’s not clear what Congress would be willing to push out before the election. So, many Republican lawmakers are turning their attention to the upcoming hearings on the Supreme Court nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to rally support.
  • The widespread cases of COVID-19 tied to the White House highlight the president’s messages about masks, social isolation and other protective measures and have the potential to alienate voters, especially those who have lost loved ones or know people who have been afflicted with the disease.
  • Trump’s comments after coming home from the hospital urging the public to not be afraid of the virus or let it “dominate your life” have tapped into frustration by many people who have suffered from the economic consequences of the pandemic and are eager to put the issue behind them.
  • In the vice presidential debate Wednesday, Democratic Sen. Kamala Harris was criticized by Vice President Mike Pence for undermining public confidence in a vaccine when she said she wouldn’t take it if it were being pushed by Trump and not endorsed by public health officials. It’s a tricky issue for Democrats who believe Trump is using the vaccine trials to generate political support and his promise of approval by Election Day is politicizing the process. Yet, they know the public is eager for a successful vaccine.

This week, Rovner also interviews Amy Howe, co-founder of SCOTUSblog and host of the “SCOTUStalk” podcast. Howe explains what the Supreme Court might do with the latest case challenging the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act.

Plus, for extra credit, the panelists recommend their favorite health policy stories of the week they think you should read too:

Julie Rovner: The Atlantic’s “Trump’s Doctor Comes From a Uniquely American Brand of Medicine,” by Eleanor Cummins

Alice Miranda Ollstein: The New York Times’ “How Much Would Trump’s Coronavirus Treatment Cost Most Americans?” by Sarah Kliff

Kimberly Leonard: Business Insider’s “Meet the 30 Leaders Under 40 Who Are Transforming the Future of Hhealthcare in 2020,” by Lydia Ramsey Pflanzer

Erin Mershon: Kaiser Health News’ “Not Pandemic-Proof: Insulin Copay Caps Fall Short, Fueling Underground Exchanges,” by Markian Hawryluk

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

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This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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Job-Based Health Insurance Costs Are Up 4% This Year, 55% in Past Decade

Health insurance costs for Americans who get their coverage through work continued a relentless march upward with average family premiums rising 4% to $21,342 this year, according to a study published Thursday.

The annual survey by KFF found workers on average are paying nearly $5,600 this year toward family coverage, up from about $4,000 in 2010 and $1,600 in 2000. (KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF.)

While health insurance costs rose a modest amount in 2020, as has been the trend in recent years, they soared 55% in the past decade — more than twice the pace of inflation and wages.

About 157 million Americans rely on employer-sponsored coverage — far more than any other type of coverage, including Medicare, Medicaid and individually purchased insurance on the Affordable Care Act exchanges. More than half of employers provide insurance to at least some workers.

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“Conducted partly before the pandemic, our survey shows the burden of health costs on workers remains high, though not getting dramatically worse,” Drew Altman, KFF’s CEO, said in a statement. “Things may look different moving forward as employers grapple with the economic and health upheaval sparked by the pandemic.”

The survey was conducted from January to July as the coronavirus pandemic took hold and upended the nation’s economy. Many of the details of the employers’ plans that the researchers examined were set before the virus hit.

Since 2012, the cost of family coverage has increased 3% to 5% annually. It’s been more than 15 years since these costs were rising at double-digit rates.

Employers help shield workers from much of the cost of their health insurance premiums, though employees often feel the impact via higher deductibles, copayments and lower wages.

On average, workers pay 17% of the premium for single coverage and 27% for family coverage, the survey found. Workers at smaller companies pay 35% of the premium for family coverage, compared with 24% for larger companies, the survey found.

The average annual deductible for single coverage is now $1,644, up 25% in the past five years and 79% in the past decade.

Workers with coverage are exposed to higher costs when using the hospital since 65% have coinsurance, which means they are responsible for a fixed share of the charge, and 13% contribute a copayment, or fixed fee per visit or service. The average coinsurance for hospital admission is 20% and average copayment is $311 per hospital admission.

Workers are protected for catastrophic costs through limits set on their out-of-pocket spending in provider networks, although those amounts vary by employer: 11% face a maximum of less than $2,000, while 18% are in a plan with a maximum of $6,000 or more.

The study also noted that large employers have made it easier for workers to access care by adopting coverage for telemedicine in recent years. Nearly 9 in 10 companies that have 200 or more workers and offer insurance covered these medical appointments done via telephone or computer this year, up from fewer than 3 in 10 in 2015, according to the research. During the pandemic, telemedicine usage has increased markedly as people sought care from the safety of their home.

The KFF study is based on a telephone survey of 1,765 randomly selected nonfederal public and private employers with three or more workers from January to July.

In Debate, Pence and Harris Offer Conflicting Views of Nation’s Reality

The Trump administration’s pandemic response: decisive action that saved lives, or the greatest failure of any presidential administration? During Wednesday’s vice presidential debate, Vice President Mike Pence and the Democratic challenger, Sen. Kamala Harris of California, offered drastically different takes — from behind  plexiglass screens — on how the president has handled the COVID-19 crisis.

Pence touted problematic claims, such as that President Donald Trump’s ban on travel from China helped the nation respond to the coronavirus (PolitiFact rated a similar claim “False”) and that the country would have a vaccine in less than a year (the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said a vaccine, yet to be approved, will not be widely available until next year).

Harris said the Trump administration misled the public about how serious the virus is, pointing to briefings Trump and Pence received in January. Trump told journalist Bob Woodward in a recorded interview that he purposely downplayed it.

Our partners at PolitiFact broke down a whole gamut of claims — on fracking, the economic recovery and the Supreme Court. The highlights regarding health care and coronavirus policies follow:

Kamala Harris: “The president said [the coronavirus] was a hoax.”Rating: False

This often-repeated statement falsely attributed to Trump has its roots in a Feb. 28 rally in North Carolina. But it’s a mischaracterization of what he actually said, which was an attack on Democrats’ response to the virus.

Trump cast the Democrats’ criticism of his work as foisting a hoax on the public. “They tried the impeachment hoax,” he said. “That was not a perfect conversation. They tried anything. They tried it over and over. They’d been doing it since you got in. It’s all turning. They lost. It’s all turning. Think of it. Think of it. And this is their new hoax.”

Mike Pence: The Rose Garden event with Judge Amy Coney Barrett “was an outdoor event, which all of our scientists regularly and routinely advised.”Wrong

The event included an indoor component, during which Trump, Barrett and others posed for photos without masks. Public health officials do say outdoor activities are less risky — provided masks are worn — than indoor events, where it might be harder to keep people apart and there’s less ventilation. But attendees of the Sept. 26 White House event for the nomination of Barrett to the Supreme Court did not practice social distancing, and many did not wear masks throughout the event.

Pence: Trump “suspended all travel from China. … Joe Biden opposed that decision. He called it xenophobic and hysterical.”Misleading

There were exemptions in Trump’s travel restrictions on China. On Jan. 21, the CDC confirmed the first U.S. case of the new coronavirus: a patient in Washington state who had traveled from Wuhan, China. On Jan. 31, the Trump administration announced a ban on travelers from China, but it exempted several categories of people, including U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents. It took effect Feb. 2.

According to The New York Times, about 40,000 people traveled from China to the United States in the two months after Trump announced travel restrictions, and 60% of people on direct flights from China were not U.S. citizens.

As for the “xenophobic and hysterical” comment, Biden has not directly said the travel restrictions were xenophobic. Around the time the Trump administration announced the restrictions, Biden said Trump had a “record of hysteria, xenophobia and fearmongering.” Biden also used the word “xenophobic” in reply to a Trump tweet about limiting entry to travelers from China in which the president described the coronavirus as the “Chinese virus.”

Harris: Obama “created within the White House an office that basically was responsible for monitoring pandemics. They got rid of it. There was a team of disease experts that President Obama and Vice President Biden dispatched to China to monitor what is now predictable and what might happen. They pulled them out.” Largely accurate

Harris described two pieces of Washington’s operation to protect against new viral threats. There was a division within the White House National Security Council. And there was a CDC office in China.

In May 2018, the top White House official in charge of the U.S. response to pandemics left the administration. Then-national security adviser John Bolton reorganized the White House global health team. Homeland security adviser Tom Bossert, who recommended strong defenses against disease and biological warfare, had left in April 2018. Neither Bossert nor the official overseeing the U.S. pandemic response was replaced. Nor were their teams, some of whose responsibilities were farmed out to other corners of the administration.

In China, the CDC program specifically charged with spotting new infectious diseases went from four American staff members in 2017 to none by 2019.

Pence: Biden’s “own chief of staff, Ron Klain, would say last year that it was pure luck, that they did everything possible wrong [with H1N1]. And we learned from that.”Needs context

Klain, Biden’s former chief of staff, spoke about H1N1 during a biosecurity conference in May 2019: “A bunch of really talented, really great people working on it, and we did every possible thing wrong. And it’s, you know, 60 million Americans got H1N1 in that period of time. And it’s just purely a fortuity that this isn’t one of the great mass casualty events in American history. It had nothing to do with us doing anything right. It just had to do with luck.”

Klain has since told Politico and FactCheck.org that his comments were taken out of context, and that they were specifically in reference to the Obama administration’s difficulties meeting the public demand for an H1N1 vaccine. He was not talking about Biden directly.

Pence: The Obama administration “left the strategic national stockpile empty.”Rating: Mostly False

The Obama administration did not leave an “empty” national stockpile. Just months before COVID cases popped up in the U.S., the former director of the stockpile described it as an $8 billion enterprise with extensive holdings of many needed items. But N95 masks, for example, had been depleted after the H1N1 outbreak in 2009.

Pence: On the nation’s COVID response, “the reality is, when you look at the Biden plan, it reads an awful lot like what President Trump and I and our task force have been doing every step of the way.”Misleading

At first glance, the Biden plan does track closely with some of the talking points advanced by the Trump administration: the need to develop and distribute a vaccine, provide COVID tests free, reduce costs for COVID treatments, and produce necessary protective equipment and ventilators. But Biden’s plan proposes many other priorities that the Trump administration has not pursued. Biden also has, throughout the campaign, followed recommendations about mask-wearing and social distancing that the administration has defied — a pattern that’s being blamed for Trump’s own infection with COVID-19 and the outbreak at the White House.

Pence: The Obama administration “left an empty and hollow plan.”Misleading

The Obama administration left a “playbook” that detailed steps to take in the event of an infectious disease outbreak. The 69-page document from 2016 was a National Security Council guidebook created to assist leaders “in coordinating a complex U.S. government response to a high-consequence emerging disease threat anywhere in the world.”

Harris: “Today they still don’t have a plan” to deal with the pandemic.Needs context

Biden said the same thing during the first presidential debate. The Trump administration does have a plan to distribute vaccines once they are produced. But experts say the administration has failed to produce a national testing plan or a national strategy to address the COVID pandemic. The administration maintains its emphasis has been on helping the economy reopen. However, it has fallen short in executing a coordinated response between the federal government and states to combat the coronavirus. More than 210,000 Americans have died of COVID-19, more deaths than in any other country.

Pence (to Harris): “The fact that you continue to undermine public confidence in a vaccine, if a vaccine emerges during the Trump administration, I think is unconscionable.”Needs context

Harris said during the debate that she would not take Trump’s word that a vaccine is effective, insisting she would instead trust the opinion of an expert, such as Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases: “I will be the first in line to take it, absolutely.” Harris recently suggested Trump would push a vaccine before it was ready to help his electoral chances. But Harris is voicing concerns shared by many Americans. Last month, a Pew poll found Americans are divided on whether to get a COVID vaccine, with 78% saying they are worried it will be approved too quickly.

Harris: “The president hasn’t been transparent in terms of health records.” Accurate

After Trump announced his COVID diagnosis and was admitted to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for treatment, his physician, Dr. Sean Conley, briefed reporters on the president’s health. Conley provided selective information and declined to answer questions, such as when the president first tested positive for the disease or the condition of his lungs. Conley said he couldn’t share this information, citing HIPAA — the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996. Experts told us HIPAA does prohibit Conley from sharing any health information the president hasn’t authorized him to share. However, if Trump wanted his doctor to be transparent, he could waive HIPAA protections. Beyond the recent questions about his COVID infection, Trump has shared less general health information than past presidents. But no law requires presidents to disclose information about their health.

Pence: Biden and Harris support abortion “all the way up to the moment of birth.”Misleading

Biden and Harris have not said they support abortion up to the moment of birth. They say they support Roe v. Wade, the landmark Supreme Court case that legalized abortion while giving states the ability to regulate it after a certain point. Biden and Harris say they want to codify Roe v. Wade into law and are against state laws that they say violate the rulings in the case. Supporting Roe is not the same as supporting abortion up to the moment of birth, experts say.

“Because Roe allows states to prohibit abortion once a fetus is viable, agreement with the case does not indicate support for abortions ‘up to the moment of birth,’” said Darren Hutchinson, a professor at the University of Florida’s Levin College of Law.

KHN reporters Emmarie Huetteman and Victoria Knight and PolitiFact staff writers Daniel Funke, Jon Greenberg, Louis Jacobson, Noah Y. Kim, Bill McCarthy, Samantha Putterman, Amy Sherman and Miriam Valverde contributed to this report.


This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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Young Doctor Succumbs to COVID, One of the South’s Many Health Workers Lost

It took Carrie Wanamaker several days to connect the face she saw on GoFundMe with the young woman she had met a few years before.

According to the fundraising site, Adeline Fagan, a 28-year-old resident OB-GYN, had developed a debilitating case of COVID-19 and was on a ventilator in Houston.

Scrolling through her phone, Wanamaker found the picture she took of Fagan in 2018, showing the fourth-year medical student at her side in the delivery room, beaming at Wanamaker’s pink, crying, minutes-old daughter. Fagan supported Wanamaker’s leg through the birth because the epidural paralyzed her below the waist, and they joked and laughed since Wanamaker felt loopy from the anesthesia.

“I didn’t expect my delivery to go that way,” said Wanamaker, a pediatric dentist in upstate New York. “You always hear about it being the woman screaming and cursing at her husband, but it wasn’t like that at all. We just had a really great time. She made it a really special experience for me.”

Fagan’s funeral took place Saturday.

The physician tested positive for the coronavirus in early July and died Sept. 19, after spending over two months in hospital. She had worked in a Houston emergency department, and a family member says she reused personal protective equipment day after day due to shortages.

Fagan is one of over 250 medical staff who died in Southern and Western hot spot states as the virus surged there over the summer, according to reporting by the Guardian and KHN as part of Lost on the Frontline, a project to track every U.S. health care worker death. In Texas, nine medical deaths in April soared to 33 in July, after Gov. Greg Abbott hastily pushed to reopen the state for business and then reversed course.

Among the deceased health workers who have so far been profiled by the Lost on the Frontline team, about a dozen nationwide, including Fagan, were under 30. The median age of death from COVID for medical staff is 57, compared with 78 in the general population. Around one-third of the deaths involved concerns over inadequate PPE. Protective equipment shortages are devastating for health care workers, who are at least three times more likely to become infected with the COVID virus than the general population.

“It kicked me in the gut,” said Wanamaker. “This is not what was supposed to happen. She was supposed to go out there and live her dreams and finally be able to enjoy her life after all these years of studying.”

Fagan worked at a hospital called HCA Houston Healthcare West, and had moved to Texas in 2019 after completing medical school in Buffalo, New York, a few hours from her hometown of LaFayette.

She was the second of four sisters, all pursuing or considering careers in the medical field. A younger sibling, Maureen, 23, said Fagan dealt with patients in uncomfortable or embarrassing situations with “grace,” as she had observed when she accompanied her on two medical mission trips to Haiti. “Addie was very much, ‘Do you understand? Do you have other questions? I will go over this with you a million times if need be.’”

Maureen also mentioned Fagan’s comical side — she was voted by her colleagues as the ‘most likely to be found skipping and singing down the hall to a delivery’ and prone to rolling out hammy Scottish and English accents.

Fagan “loved delivering babies, loved being part of the happy moment when a baby comes into the world, loved working with mothers,” said Dr. Dori Marshall, associate dean at the University at Buffalo medical school. But she found living by herself in Houston lonely, and in February Maureen moved down to keep her company; she could just as easily prepare for her own medical school entrance exam in Texas.

It is unclear how Fagan contracted the coronavirus, but to Maureen it seemed linked to her July rotation in the ER. HCA West is part of HCA Healthcare — the country’s largest hospital chain — and in recent months a national nurses union has complained of its “willful violation” of workplace safety protocols, including pushing infected staff to continue clocking in.

Amid national shortages, Maureen said her sister faced a particular challenge with PPE. “Adeline had an N95 mask and had her name written on it,” she said. “Adeline wore the same N95 for weeks and weeks, if not months and months.”

The CDC recommends that an N95 mask should be reused at most five times, unless a manufacturer advises otherwise. HCA West said it would not comment specifically on Maureen’s allegations, but the facility’s chief medical officer, Dr. Emily Sedgwick, said the hospital’s policies did not involve individuals constantly reusing the same mask.

“Our protocol, based on CDC guidance, includes colleagues turning in their N95 masks at the conclusion of each shift, and receiving another mask at the beginning of their next shift.” A spokesperson for HCA West, Selena Mejia, also said that hospital staff were “heartbroken” by Fagan’s death.

On July 8, Fagan arrived home with body aches, a headache and a fever, and a COVID test came back positive. For a week the sisters quarantined, and Fagan, who had asthma, used her nebulizer. But her breathing difficulties persisted, and one afternoon Maureen noticed that her sister’s lips were blue, and insisted they go to the hospital.

For two weeks, the hospital attempted to supplement Fagan’s failing lungs with oxygen. She grew so weak she wasn’t able to hold her phone up or even keep her head upright. She was transferred to another hospital, where she agreed to be put on a ventilator.

Less than a day later, she was hooked up to an ECMO device for a highly invasive treatment of last resort, in which blood is removed from the body via surgically implanted intravenous tubes, artificially oxygenated and then returned.

She lingered in this state through August, an experience documented on a blog by her software engineer father, Brant, who arrived in Houston with her mother, Mary Jane, a retired special education teacher, even though they were not allowed to visit Fagan.

The medical team tried to wean her off the machines and the nine sedatives she was at one point receiving, but as she emerged from unconsciousness she became anxious and was put back under to stop her from pulling out the tubes snaking into her body. She was able to respond to instructions to wiggle her toes. A nurse told Brant she might be suffering from “ICU psychosis,” a delirium caused by a prolonged stay in intensive care.

The family tried to speak with her daily. “The nurse told us that they have seen Adeline’s eyes tear up after we have been talking to her on the phone,” Brant wrote. “So it must be having some impact.”

On Sept. 15, her parents were at last permitted to visit. “I do not think we were prepared for what we saw, in person, when we entered her room,” he wrote. “Occasionally, Adeline would try to respond, shake her head or mouth a word or two. But her stare was glassy and you were not sure if she was in there.”

It was too much for him. “Being the softy that cannot stand it when one of my girls is hurting, [I] commenced to get lightheaded and pass out.”

Finally, on Sept. 17, it seemed Fagan was turning a corner. Still partly sedated, she was nevertheless able to sit up without support. She mouthed the words to a song, being unable to sing because a tracheostomy prevented air from passing over her vocal cords.

The next day, the ECMO tubes were removed. The day after that, Brant made his last post.

His daughter had suffered a massive brain hemorrhage, possibly because her vascular system had been weakened by the virus. Patients on ECMO also take high doses of blood thinners to prevent clots.

A neurosurgeon said that even on the remote chance Fagan survived surgery, she would be profoundly brain-damaged.

“We spent the remaining minutes hugging, comforting and talking to Adeline,” Brant wrote.

“And then the world stopped.”


This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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Moved by Plight of Young Heart Patient, Stranger Pays His Hospital Bill

Even with insurance, Matthew Fentress faced a medical bill of more than $10,000 after a heart operation. A cook at a senior living community in Kentucky, he figured he could never pay what he owed — until a stranger who lives 2,000 miles away stepped in to help.

“The system still failed me,” said Fentress, 31. “It was humanity that stepped up.”

Karen Fritz, a retired college professor in Las Vegas, saw part of his story on “CBS This Morning,” which partners with KHN and NPR on the crowdsourced Bill of the Month investigation. Fritz found the story online, and then she called the hospital to donate $5,000 toward Fentress’ bill.

“I’ve been a young person in college with medical bills. I just really felt convicted to help him out, to help him get beyond his financial struggles. I had no hesitation; I felt led by the Holy Spirit to do that,” said Fritz, 64, who taught business and marketing at various schools. “When you help other people, it gives you joy.”

Fentress was just 25 when doctors diagnosed him with viral cardiomyopathy, a heart disease that developed after a bout of the flu. In his six years of grappling with that chronic condition, which could lead to heart failure, he had already been sued by his hospital after missing a payment and declared bankruptcy.

Financial fears reignited this year when his cardiologist suggested he undergo an ablation procedure to restore a normal heart rhythm. He said hospital officials at Baptist Health Louisville assured him he wouldn’t be on the hook for more than $7,000, a huge stretch on his $30,000 annual salary.

Though the procedure went well, the bill filled him with dread. His portion totaled more than $10,000 for the ablation and related visits in 2019 and 2020. After an adjustment, a spokesperson for his insurer, United Healthcare, said he owed nearly $7,900. That was the same as the annual out-of-pocket maximum for in-network care under his plan, which also included a $1,500 annual deductible. Like millions of other Americans, Fentress is considered underinsured.

Fentress said he learned about Fritz’s donation when he got a call from a hospital representative. He submitted a recent pay stub to the hospital, and its financial aid program covered the rest.

Hospital officials said Fentress at one point had been under the incorrect impression that he’d have to pay big monthly payments and couldn’t apply for financial assistance because he’d gotten it before.

“Baptist Health consistently has encouraged Mr. Fentress to apply for financial assistance to provide the information we need to determine a qualifying amount,” Charles Colvin, Baptist Health’s vice president for revenue strategy, said in a statement. “We are pleased to have received the additional information needed to provide that financial assistance.”

Fentress said he’s incredibly grateful to Fritz. He plans to stay in touch with her, and he’s sending her a T-shirt he designed with a picture of a heart and the words “Be nice.”

“This is the first time ever since I was 25 that I haven’t had medical debt. It’s a wonderful feeling. It gives me a lot of peace of mind,” Fentress said. “But I feel guilty that a lot of other people are still suffering.”

Do you have an interesting medical bill you want to share with us? Tell us about it!


This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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This story can be republished for free (details).

Does the Federal Health Information Privacy Law Protect President Trump?

Within one day, President Donald Trump announced his COVID diagnosis and was admitted to Walter Reed National Military Medical Center for treatment. The flurry of events was stunning, confusing and triggered many questions. What was his prognosis? When was he last tested for COVID-19? What is his viral load?

The answers were elusive.

Picture the scene on Oct. 5. White House physician Dr. Sean Conley, flanked by other members of Trump’s medical team, met with reporters outside the hospital. But Conley would not disclose the results of the president’s lung scans and other vital information, invoking a federal law he said allows him to selectively provide intel on the president’s health.

“There are HIPAA rules and regulations that restrict me in sharing certain things for his safety and his own health,” he told the reporters.

The law he’s referring to, HIPAA, is the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996, which includes privacy protections designed to shield personal health information from disclosure without a patient’s consent.

Because this is likely to remain an issue, we decided to take a look. In what cases does HIPAA restrict the sharing of information — and is the president covered by it?

Experts agreed that he is, but several noted there are exceptions to its protections — stirring debate over the airwaves and on Twitter regarding what information about the president’s health should be released.

Explaining the Protections

HIPAA and the rules for its implementation apply to medical providers — such as doctors, dentists, pharmacists, hospitals — and most health plans that either provide or pay for medical care.

In some cases, the law permits the sharing of medical information without specific consent, such as when needed for treatment purposes or billing. Examples include doctors or hospitals sharing information with other physicians or facilities involved in the patient’s care, or information shared about tests, drugs or other medical care so bills can be sent to patients.

Other than that, without specific patient consent, the law is clear.

“The default rule under HIPAA is that health care providers may not disclose a patient’s health information. Period,” said Joy Pritts, a consultant in Washington, D.C., and a former privacy official in the Obama administration.

The experts we consulted all agreed that Trump’s doctors are bound by HIPAA. Since he is their patient, they cannot share his medical information without his consent.

Patients can allow some information to be released while demanding that other bits be withheld.

That may be why the public has been given only select details about Trump’s COVID-19 status, such as when Conley discussed the president’s blood pressure reading but not the results of his lung scans.

Trump “can pick and choose what he wants to disclose,” Pritts said.

So it is up to Trump to give his doctors the green light to report to the public on his condition.

“HIPAA does not prevent the president of the United States from authorizing the disclosure of all publicly relevant information,” said Lawrence Gostin, a professor of global health law at Georgetown University. “He can share it if he wanted to and he can tell his doctors to share it.”

Elizabeth Gray, a teaching assistant professor of health policy and management at George Washington University, said that because Conley shared some medically private information with the American public, there must have been a conversation between the president and his doctors about what was OK to include in their press briefings.

“He would have had to have given his authorization,” said Gray. In other words, Trump OK’d the details his doctors mentioned, but when follow-up questions were asked, she said, HIPAA was “a shield” because “the president hadn’t authorized the release of anything else.”

Still, beyond HIPAA, other factors could lead to less-than-complete disclosure of the president’s health.

For starters, Trump is the commander in chief, and his personal physician is a member of the military.

“If your commander in chief says, ‘I’m giving you a command — forget about HIPAA,’” said Thomas Miller, a resident fellow with the American Enterprise Institute.

Pritts and others also said the president’s physician may not be covered by HIPAA if his care is provided by the White House medical unit, which does not bill for its services or involve health insurance.

But, “whether covered by HIPAA or not, a physician has an ethical obligation to maintain patient confidentiality,” Pritts said.

And Leaks?

It’s also important to note that HIPAA applies only to health care professionals and related entities working within that sphere.

So, when Sean Spicer, former White House press secretary, tweeted on Oct. 5 that a journalist had violated HIPAA (he misspelled it as “HIPPA”) by reporting that a member of the White House press shop had COVID-19, he was wrong, said the experts.

“Journalists are not bound by HIPAA,” said Gostin.

Gray likened HIPAA in that way to a door.

“Behind that door is health care information. Hypothetically, only doctors have access to that information, and HIPAA prevents health care providers from unlocking that door,” she said. “But, once the info gets out of that door, then HIPAA no longer applies.”

And the information is likely to come out — sooner or later, said Miller. “Leaking will take care of most reporting and disclosure” about the president’s health, he said.

The Exceptions

Within HIPAA are a couple of exceptions identifying when health information can be disclosed without the authorization of the patient.

For example, the law does allow for disclosure if it “is necessary to prevent or lessen a serious and imminent threat to the health or safety of a person or the public.”

Might that apply here, given that Trump took a ride around Walter Reed in a government SUV with Secret Service agents, or returned to a White House filled with other employees?

Jonathan Turley, a professor of public interest law at George Washington University Law School, said he doesn’t think the public health exemption would apply in this case.

“If a patient is contagious and noncompliant, doctors can make disclosure in the interest of public health,” Turley wrote in an email. “However, the team of doctors stated that they felt that it was appropriate to send President Trump back to the White House to continue to recover.”

Moreover, Turley noted that nothing was withheld that would have qualified for this exception. “The world knows that the president is COVID-positive and still likely contagious,” he wrote. “It is unclear what further information would do in order to put the world on notice.”

Some experts, however, expressed a different view. They argued that the details of when the president last tested positive would provide insight into who may have been exposed and how long he should be considered infectious and asked to isolate. Even so, the law’s public health exemption is usually interpreted to mean such information would be shared only with state and local health officials.

There are two HIPAA exceptions that apply specifically to the president, said Gray.

“They could make that disclosure to people who need to know, to the Secret Service or the vice president, but it is essentially only to protect [the president],” said Gray. “There is also an armed forces exception, but disclosures are in regards to carrying out a military mission, which doesn’t apply here.”

What about national security?

Miller, at AEI, said concerns about national security could be among the reasons for more disclosure, such as questioning a president’s ability to carry out duties. But HIPAA wasn’t designed to address this point.

Some argue that because the president is not just an average citizen, he should waive his right to medical privacy.

“The president is not just an individual; the president is the chief executive,” said Charles Stevenson, an adjunct lecturer on American foreign policy at Johns Hopkins University. “The president loses a lot of privacy because our political system, our governmental system demands it. The president always has to be available to the military and that means the state of his health is a matter of national security.”

Historical precedent

Trump is one in a long line of presidents who have not been completely transparent in sharing their medical information.

“There’s a pretty strong tradition of these things being obscured,” said John Barry, an adjunct faculty member at the Tulane University School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine. And no federal law requires a president to provide this information.

One of the most notable examples is President Woodrow Wilson, said Barry.

Wilson likely caught the so-called Spanish influenza in 1919, which was kept secret. Later that year, he had a severe stroke that disabled him, the gravity of which was also hidden from the public.

President John F. Kennedy used painkillers and other medications while in office, which wasn’t made public until years after his death.

And when President Ronald Reagan was shot in 1981, he was much closer to death than his White House spokesperson described to the public. There were also questions about Reagan’s mental acuity while in his final years in office. He was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease five years after his final term.

Why would White Houses want to obscure health information of presidents?

“Every White House wants the public to think the president is healthy, strong and capable of leading the country,” said Barry. “That’s consistent across parties and presidencies.”


This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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This story can be republished for free (details).

Refuge in the Storm? ACA’s Role as Safety Net Is Tested by COVID Recession

The Affordable Care Act, facing its first test during a deep recession, is providing a refuge for some — but by no means all — people who have lost health coverage as the economy has been battered by the coronavirus pandemic.

New studies, from both federal and private research groups, generally indicate that when the country marked precipitous job losses from March to May — with more than 25 million people forced out of work — the loss of health insurance was less dramatic.

That’s partly because large numbers of mostly low-income workers who lost employment during the crisis were in jobs that already did not provide health insurance. It helped that many employers chose to leave furloughed and temporarily laid-off workers on the company insurance plan.

And others who lost health benefits along with their job immediately sought alternatives, such as coverage through a spouse’s or parent’s job, Medicaid or plans offered on the state-based ACA marketplaces.

From June to September, however, things weren’t as rosy. Even as the unemployment rate declined from 14.7% in April to 8.4% in August, many temporary job losses became permanent, some people who found a new job didn’t get one that came with health insurance, and others just couldn’t afford coverage.

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The upshot, studies indicate, is that even with the new options and expanded safety net created by the ACA, by the end of summer a record number of people were poised to become newly uninsured.

What’s more, those losses could deepen in the months ahead, and into 2021, if the economy doesn’t improve and Congress offers no further assistance, health policy experts and insurers say.

“It’s a very fluid situation,” said Sara Collins, vice president for health care coverage and access at the Commonwealth Fund, a New York-based health research group. “The ACA provides an important cushion, but we don’t know how much of one yet, since this is first real test of the law as a safety net in a serious recession.”

Collins also noted that accurately tracking health insurance coverage and shifts is difficult in the best of times; amid an economic meltdown, it becomes even more precarious.

Coverage Was Already on the Decline

Some 20 million people gained coverage between 2010 and 2016 under the ACA’s expansion of Medicaid and its insurance marketplaces for people without employer-based coverage. A gradually booming economy after the 2008-2009 recession also helped. The percentage of the population without health insurance declined from about 15% in 2010 to 8.8% in 2016.

But then, even as the economy continued to grow after 2016, coverage began to decline when the Trump administration and some Republican-led states took steps that undermined the law’s main aim: to expand coverage.

In 2018, 1.9 million people joined the ranks of the uninsured, and the Census Bureau reported earlier this month that an additional 1 million Americans lost coverage in 2019.

The accelerating decline is helping fuel anxiety over the fate of the ACA in the wake of the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. The high court is scheduled to hear a case in November brought by Republican state officials, and supported by the Trump administration, that seeks to nullify the entire law.

In July, researchers at the Urban Institute, a Washington, D.C., think tank, forecast that around 10 million workers and their dependents would lose employer coverage in 2020. But they estimated that two-thirds of them will have found new coverage by year’s end — leaving about 3.3 million uninsured.

A more recent Urban Institute report, released Sept. 18, and using 2020 data from the Census Bureau, calculated that of the roughly 3 million people under age 65 who had lost job-based insurance between May and July, 1.4 million found coverage elsewhere — most through Medicaid — and 1.9 million became newly uninsured. Notably, 2.2 million of those who lost their coverage were between 18 and 39 years old; 1.6 million were Hispanic.

Another recent study, using different methods, reported higher numbers for the same period. The analysis released by the Economic Policy Institute last month determined that between April and July 6.2 million people lost employer coverage. The authors didn’t calculate how many found alternative coverage via Medicaid or the ACA, however.

Other findings support the notion that the health insurance loss trend shifted by mid summer. KFF, for example, published an analysis Sept. 11 showing that most companies that offered coverage to begin with chose to continue insuring furloughed and temporarily laid-off workers between March and the end of June. But as the virus continued to batter the economy, employers moved to permanently shed those jobs. (KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF.)

“The issue now is that the temporary layoffs have greatly decreased and permanent job losses, including jobs that came with health coverage, are increasing,” said Cynthia Cox, a KFF vice president and director for the Program on the ACA.

Many low-income workers who lose their jobs and don’t have coverage through a spouse or parent turn to Medicaid, the federal-state health program for low-income people. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services reported last week that enrollment in Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program grew by 4 million between February and June, a nearly 6% increase since the beginning of the coronavirus crisis.

The Impact of the Marketplaces

Gains and losses of coverage in the ACA marketplace are not yet clear, experts say. The Trump administration issued a report in June indicating that 487,000 people had, between January and June, enrolled in an ACA plan via the federal website, healthcare.gov. But that report failed to say how many people dropped an ACA plan in that period — for example, because they could no longer afford the premiums.

A study by Avalere, a health research and consulting firm in Washington, D.C., has estimated that enrollment in the ACA marketplaces since March could have swelled by around 1 million. That includes new enrollees in the 13 ACA marketplaces that states, plus the District of Columbia, operate. Many of those states held a “special enrollment period” when the pandemic hit. Healthcare.gov, run by the Trump administration, did not offer a special enrollment period.

About 11 million were enrolled in an ACA plan in February. Open enrollment for coverage that would start on Jan. 1, 2021, begins Nov. 1.

Jessica Banthin, a senior health policy researcher at the Urban Institute and until 2019 deputy director for health at the Congressional Budget Office, said it’s anyone’s guess how many people who lost their job-based coverage this year will choose this option. She said numerous factors will influence people’s health insurance decisions this fall, and into 2021.

Chief among them is gauging whether they might soon get a new job, or get back an old job, that offers insurance. That may hold some people back from enrolling in an ACA plan this fall, Banthin said. Plus, buying insurance may be too expensive, especially for families more concerned with paying for housing, food and child care while going without a paycheck.

“Health insurance may not be their immediate concern,” Banthin said. “Many people’s lives have been disrupted as never before. There’s a lot of trauma out there.”

Collins of the Commonwealth Fund said that, even before the pandemic, a growing proportion of families were vulnerable to loss of coverage and care.

In a survey of more than 4,000 adults early this year, Collins and colleagues found a “persistent vulnerability among working-age adults in their ability to afford coverage and health care that could worsen if the economic downturn continues.”

In large part, that’s because 1 in 5 respondents who had coverage were “underinsured.” Underinsurance reflects the extent to which coverage leaves people at risk of high out-of-pocket costs — a situation exacerbated by widespread job loss.

“Now is absolutely not be the time for the ACA to be further undermined, let alone killed outright,” said Stan Dorn, director of the National Center for Coverage Innovation at Families USA.

Lifetime Experiences Help Older Adults Build Resilience to Pandemic Trauma

Older adults are especially vulnerable physically during the coronavirus pandemic. But they’re also notably resilient psychologically, calling upon a lifetime of experience and perspective to help them through difficult times.

New research calls attention to this little-remarked-upon resilience as well as significant challenges for older adults as the pandemic stretches on. It shows that many seniors have changed behaviors — reaching out to family and friends, pursuing hobbies, exercising, participating in faith communities — as they strive to stay safe from the coronavirus.

“There are some older adults who are doing quite well during the pandemic and have actually expanded their social networks and activities,” said Brian Carpenter, a professor of psychological and brain sciences at Washington University in St. Louis. “But you don’t hear about them because the pandemic narrative reinforces stereotypes of older adults as frail, disabled and dependent.”

Whether those coping strategies will prove effective as the pandemic lingers, however, is an open question.

“In other circumstances — hurricanes, fires, earthquakes, terrorist attacks — older adults have been shown to have a lot of resilience to trauma,” said Sarah Lowe, an assistant professor at Yale University School of Public Health who studies the mental health effects of traumatic events.

“But COVID-19 is distinctive from other disasters because of its constellation of stressors, geographic spread and protracted duration,” she continued. “And older adults are now cut off from many of the social and psychological resources that enable resilience because of their heightened risk.”

The most salient risk is of severe illness and death: 80% of COVID-19 deaths have occurred in people 65 and older.

Here are notable findings from a new wave of research documenting the early experiences of older adults during the pandemic:

Changing behaviors. Older adults have listened to public health authorities and taken steps to minimize the risk of being infected with COVID-19, according to a new study in The Gerontologist.

Results come from a survey of 1,272 adults age 64 and older administered online between May 4 and May 17. More than 80% of the respondents lived in New Jersey, an early pandemic hot spot. Blacks and Hispanics — as well as seniors with lower incomes and in poor health — were underrepresented.

These seniors reported spending less face-to-face time with family and friends (95%), limiting trips to the grocery store (94%), canceling plans to attend a celebration (88%), saying no to out-of-town trips (88%), not going to funerals (72%), going to public places less often (72%) and canceling doctors’ appointments (69%).

Safeguarding well-being. In another new study published in The Gerontologist, Brenda Whitehead, an associate professor of psychology at the University of Michigan-Dearborn, addresses how older adults have adjusted to altered routines and physical distancing.

Her data comes from an online survey of 825 adults age 60 and older on March 22 and 23 — another sample weighted toward whites and people with higher incomes.

Instead of inquiring about “coping” — a term that can carry negative connotations — Whitehead asked about sources of joy and comfort during the pandemic. Most commonly reported were connecting with family and friends (31.6%), interacting on digital platforms (video chats, emails, social media, texts — 22%), engaging in hobbies (19%), being with pets (19%), spending time with spouses or partners (15%) and relying on faith (11.5%).

“In terms of how these findings relate to where we are now, I would argue these sources of joy and comfort, these coping resources, are even more important” as stress related to the pandemic persists, Whitehead said.

Maintaining meaningful connections with older adults remains crucial, she said. “Don’t assume that people are OK,” she advised families and friends. “Check in with them. Ask how they’re doing.”

Coping with stress. What are the most significant sources of stress that older adults are experiencing? In Whitehead’s survey, older adults most often mentioned dealing with mandated restrictions and the resulting confinement (13%), concern for others’ health and well-being (12%), feelings of loneliness and social isolation (12%), and uncertainty about the future of the pandemic and its impact (9%).

Keep in mind, older adults expressed these attitudes at the start of the pandemic. Answers might differ now. And the longer stress endures, the more likely it is to adversely affect both physical and mental health.

Managing distress. The COVID-19 Coping Study, a research effort by a team at the University of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research, offers an early look at the pandemic’s psychological impact.

Results come from an online survey of 6,938 adults age 55 and older in April and May. Researchers are following up with 4,211 respondents monthly to track changes in older adults’ responses to the pandemic over a year.

Among the key findings published to date: 64% of older adults said they were extremely or moderately worried about the pandemic. Thirty-two percent reported symptoms of depression, while 29% reported serious anxiety.

Notably, these types of distress were about twice as common among 55- to 64-year-olds as among those 75 and older. This is consistent with research showing that people become better able to regulate their emotions and manage stress as they advance through later life.

On the positive side, older adults are responding by getting exercise, going outside, altering routines, practicing self-care, and adjusting attitudes via meditation and mindfulness, among other practices, the study found.

“It’s important to focus on the things we can control and recognize that we do still have agency to change things,” said Lindsay Kobayashi, a co-author of the study and assistant professor of epidemiology at the University of Michigan School of Public Health.

Addressing loneliness. The growing burden of social isolation and loneliness in the older population is dramatically evident in new results from the University of Michigan’s National Poll on Healthy Aging, with 2,074 respondents from 50 to 80 years old. (It found that, in June, twice as many older adults (56%) felt isolated from other people as in October 2018 (27%).

Although most reported using social media (70%) and video chats (57%) to stay connected with family and friends during the pandemic, they indicated this didn’t alleviate feelings of isolation.

“What I take from this is it’s important to find ways for older adults to interact face to face with other people in safe ways,” said Dr. Preeti Malani, chief health officer at the University of Michigan. “Back in March, April and May, Zoom family time was great. But you can’t live in that virtual universe forever.”

“A lot of well-intentioned families are staying away from their parents because they don’t want to expose them to risk,” Malani continued. “But we’re at a point where risks can be mitigated, with careful planning. Masks help a lot. Social distancing is essential. Getting tested can be useful.”

Malani practices what she preaches: Each weekend, she and her husband take their children to see her elderly in-laws or parents. Both couples live less than an hour away.

“We do it carefully — outdoors, physically distant, no hugs,” Malani said. “But I make a point to visit with them because the harms of isolation are just too high.”


This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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This story can be republished for free (details).

Distrusting Trump, States Plan to Vet COVID Vaccines Themselves. Bad Idea, Say Experts.

As trust in the Food and Drug Administration wavers, several states have vowed to conduct independent reviews of any COVID-19 vaccine the federal agency authorizes.

But top health experts say such vetting may be misguided, even if it reflects a well-founded lack of confidence in the Trump administration — especially now that the FDA has held firm by releasing rules that make a risky preelection vaccine release highly unlikely.

At least six states and the District of Columbia have indicated they intend to review the scientific data for any vaccine approved to fight COVID-19, with some citing concern over political interference by President Donald Trump and his appointees. Officials in New York and California said they are convening expert panels expressly for that purpose.

“Frankly, I’m not going to trust the federal government’s opinion and I wouldn’t recommend [vaccines] to New Yorkers based on the federal government’s opinion,” New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo said last month.

“We want to make sure — despite the urge and interest in having a useful vaccine — that we do it with the utmost safety of Californians in mind,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, California’s health and human services secretary, said at a recent news conference.

The District of Columbia, Colorado, Michigan, Oregon and West Virginia also have said they’ll review vaccine data independently.

But scientists who study vaccine policy said such plans could backfire, confusing the public, eroding confidence in any eventual vaccine and undermining the best strategy to end the pandemic, which has sickened nearly 7.5 million Americans and killed more than 210,000.

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“Do you really want a situation where Texas, Alabama and Arkansas are making drastically different vaccine policies than New York, California and Massachusetts?” asked Dr. Saad Omer, an epidemiologist who leads the Yale Institute for Global Health.

Separate state vaccine reviews would be unprecedented and disruptive, and a robust regulatory process already exists, said Michael Osterholm, an epidemiologist and director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota.

“States should stay out of the vaccine review business,” Osterholm said. “I think the Food and Drug Administration is doing their job right now. Unless there’s something that changes that, I do believe that they will be able to go ahead.”

The administration has given reasons for states to worry. Trump has repeatedly signaled a desire for approval of a vaccine by the Nov. 3 election, arousing fears that he will steamroll the normal regulatory process.

The president wields “considerable power” over the FDA because it’s part of the executive branch of government, said Lawrence Gostin, faculty director of the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law. The president nominates the FDA commissioner and can replace him at any time.

Trump has already contradicted the advice of his own scientific advisers in order to promote unproven therapies to fight COVID-19. The FDA approved two treatments — hydroxychloroquine and convalescent plasma — without strong evidence of safety and efficacy after Trump pushed for the therapies to be widely available.

Late Monday, The New York Times reported that top White House officials planned to block FDA guidelines that would bolster requirements for emergency authorization of a COVID vaccine — because the new guidelines would almost certainly delay approval until after the election.

The White House’s actions undermine the agency, said Dr. Paul Offit, an infectious disease expert at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia and a member of the FDA advisory committee on vaccines.

“Trump has perverted the FDA,” Offit said. “He has scared people into thinking that normal systems aren’t in place there anymore.”

But the FDA seems to be maintaining plans that would make it virtually impossible for a vaccine to be approved by Election Day.

Dr. Peter Marks, who heads the FDA division responsible for vaccine approval, has repeatedly said career scientists at the agency are working to ensure that political pressure isn’t a factor in any decision.

FDA reviewers are determined to “keep our hands over our ears to the noise that’s coming in from all sides and keep our eyes on the prize,” Marks said Monday in a JAMA webinar.

On Tuesday, the FDA pushed back against White House interference by publishing stricter guidance for vaccine developers on its website. The document instructs vaccine companies to follow patients for two months after their last shot in order to give researchers more time to detect serious side effects and ensure the vaccine works.

For now, supporters of the normal regulatory process are pinning their hopes on two advisory groups of respected scientists who will evaluate vaccines for safety and efficacy and send their recommendations to federal agencies.

The FDA’s advisory group, known as VRBPAC, will review data submitted by the pharmaceutical companies and the agency for any vaccine. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, or ACIP, will weigh in on its use. Their recommendations aren’t binding, but the federal government has rarely contravened them.

Before jumping to independent reviews, states should allow ACIP and VRBPAC to do their jobs, said Dr. Marcus Plescia, chief medical officer of the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials. That’s the best defense against any political pressure, he said, and individual states likely wouldn’t have access to the data — or, perhaps, the expertise — to conduct their own reviews.

ACIP Chairman Dr. José Romero, who also is the chief medical officer for the Arkansas Department of Health, said the group has been meeting regularly since spring to discuss COVID vaccines and they’ve been able to proceed “in an unfettered fashion.”

“I have not felt pressured by the CDC, other government agencies or pharmaceutical companies to arrive at any particular recommendation,” he said.

Other safeguards are in place as well. Trump cannot simply override the FDA’s authority to approve drugs and vaccines, which comes from Congress.

“The president can influence the FDA, but it must be consistent with the FDA’s statutory mandate,” Gostin said. “The White House may not, for example, direct the agency to ignore science or use a lower scientific standard.”

Congress could sue the FDA for failing to follow its own standards, and a judge could issue a temporary restraining order blocking release of a COVID vaccine, Gostin said. Courts would require the FDA commissioner or health and human services secretary to have “valid, evidence-based reasons” for any decision.

“The commissioner or secretary may not act arbitrarily or according to political preferences alone,” Gostin said.

Individual states could not overrule the FDA’s authorization or approval of a vaccine, but they could wield their power in other ways. States distribute vaccines through contracts with the CDC, noted Dr. Kelly Moore, associate director of immunization education for the Immunization Action Coalition. They could say, “‘We will not place any orders until we’re sure,’” she said.

States probably could not prevent private companies, such as pharmacy chains, from distributing vaccines that are shipped directly to them. Pharmacies would likely sue any states that try to prevent them from distributing vaccines, Gostin said.

Although federal and state agencies play a crucial role in ensuring patient safety, they’re not the only entities looking out for patient interests, said Dr. Joshua Sharfstein, a former FDA deputy commissioner who is now a vice dean at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Doctors and other medical providers won’t recommend a vaccine they don’t trust, he said.

“We have an entire health care system standing between politics and the patients,” Sharfstein said. “I think doctors are going to be very concerned if a vaccine is rushed.”

Even pharmaceutical companies that stand to profit from vaccines have a huge stake in protecting the integrity of the approval process. Nine rival vaccine makers took the unusual step last month of pledging not to release a COVID vaccine until it has been thoroughly tested for safety.

The bigger consideration, however, is how state-by-state vetting would affect consumer trust in a COVID vaccine — or any vaccine in the future, Plescia said. A recent KFF poll found 54% of Americans would not submit to a COVID vaccine authorized before Election Day.

“Are people going to mistrust the entire process?” he said. “We will get through COVID one way or another, but if we undermine confidence in public health, that would be a disaster.”

Fighting for Patient Protections While Attacking ACA — Hard to Have It Both Ways

Throughout the 2020 election cycle, candidates’ positions on health care have been particularly important for voters with underlying and often expensive medical needs — in short, those with preexisting conditions.

It’s no surprise, then, that protections for people who have chronic health problems like diabetes and cancer have become a focal point for candidates nationwide — among them, Matt Rosendale, the Republican contender for Montana’s only U.S. House seat.

On Sept. 22, Rosendale’s campaign hit airwaves and online streaming services with an ad featuring a Whitefish resident named Sandee, whose son was diagnosed with a life-threatening disease. Sandee told the story of how Rosendale came to her family’s aid, concluding that “Matt fights for everyone with a preexisting condition.”

As is often the case with health care policy, however, the truth is far from simple. Rosendale and many other Republican congressional candidates face the challenge of convincing voters they support these safeguards even as they oppose the Affordable Care Act, which codifies those safeguards.

Polls show broad public support for keeping the ACA’s preexisting condition protections.

We decided to investigate.

Rosendale is up against Democrat Kathleen Williams for the congressional seat now occupied by Republican Rep. Greg Gianforte, who has entered the state’s gubernatorial race. The open seat has been controlled by the GOP for the past 12 terms, but this year’s race is expected to be close. Williams, who also ran for the seat in 2018, has made health care her top campaign issue.

We contacted the Rosendale campaign to find out the basis for his ad’s claim. Campaign spokesperson Shelby DeMars listed a range of health policies backed by the candidate that would help people with preexisting conditions directly or indirectly by holding down health care costs. She specifically pointed to Rosendale’s work on the state’s reinsurance program as Montana’s state auditor and insurance commissioner, a post he was elected to in 2016.

“Matt Rosendale is a champion for those with pre-existing conditions and he has the record to prove it,” DeMars said via email. “It is because of the Reinsurance program he implemented that Montanans with pre-existing conditions can access the affordable healthcare coverage they need.”

Examining Reinsurance

In a nutshell, Montana’s reinsurance program is designed to help insurers cover costly medical claims with a mix of federal pass-through dollars and funding generated by a premium tax on all major medical policies in the state. Gov. Steve Bullock announced the formation of a bipartisan group tasked with developing reinsurance program legislation in fall 2018, and the state’s legislature approved the plan in 2019, allowing Rosendale to apply for and receive the necessary waiver under the Affordable Care Act.

Subsequent news accounts indicated the idea worked. In-state insurers credited the program with lowering premiums by 8% to 14% for 2020. As Montana Health Co-op CEO Richard Miltenberger told MTN News shortly after the 2019 legislative session, “It allows the insurance companies to have rate stabilization for those really big claims, the ones that are the earthquakes in health insurance.” He went on to say that this stability “brings the cost down for the consumer.” More to the point, the American Medical Association has also stated that reinsurance not only serves to subsidize high-cost patients but “protects patients with pre-existing conditions.”

But there’s a rub.

The reinsurance program that Rosendale touts wouldn’t exist without a state innovation waiver created by the ACA, which Rosendale says he’ll work to repeal. That effort will doubtless continue to fuel pitched battles in Congress, and how the U.S. Supreme Court may rule on a pending ACA challenge remains a point of speculation. One thing is clear, though: If the entire ACA is thrown out, the reinsurance program goes with it, along with Montana’s Medicaid expansion and the ban on insurers from excluding people with health problems from affordable coverage.

When asked about the resulting elimination of the reinsurance program, DeMars reiterated that Rosendale’s work as auditor has created a system that will ensure protections for preexisting conditions “regardless of what happens to the ACA.” She did not elaborate or explain what protections would remain if the ACA were repealed.

The Short-Term Plan Component

In defending his stance on preexisting conditions, Rosendale continues to be haunted by another health care policy specter from his political past. During his unsuccessful challenge against Democratic U.S. Sen. Jon Tester in 2018, Rosendale faced criticism for promoting short-term, limited-duration health insurance plans. Unlike plans offered on the individual marketplace, these short-term plans are exempt from the ACA’s ban on excluding people with preexisting conditions. And, under a 2018 regulatory change pushed by the Trump administration, the length of these short-term plans has been extended from three months to 12, with the potential to renew for up to three years.

As state auditor, Rosendale included those plans in his March 2020 roundup of year-round options for immediate coverage. They often exclude coverage for a variety of higher-cost benefits. In Montana, for example, a review by KFF found that of four short-term plans available in Billings in 2018, none offered coverage for maternity care, mental health, substance abuse or prescription drug services. (KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF.)

Historically, short-term plans were designed to help individuals fill gaps in health coverage. According to Dania Palanker, an assistant research professor at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms, the role short-term plans play on today’s health insurance landscape is to attract younger, healthier individuals seeking low-cost options to cover catastrophic events. That splits insurers into two pools — those who are less likely to incur medical expenses, and those who are more likely to incur them. Costs on the individual market go up as a result, leaving people with preexisting conditions no other option than to pay higher premiums. Short-term plans are, Palanker said, “actively hurting people with preexisting conditions.”

“Promoting short-term plans and stumping on supporting protections for preexisting conditions are mutually exclusive,” she continued.

Asked whether the cost-lowering effect of a reinsurance program would be enough to offset the effects of short-term plans, Palanker said the only way such an offset would be enough is if the program encompassed short-term plans. She hasn’t seen that happen anywhere.

Our Ruling

A campaign ad says Rosendale “fights for everyone with a preexisting condition.” While it is true that health insurance premiums have dropped during Rosendale’s tenure as state auditor, the choice to establish Montana’s reinsurance program ultimately fell to decision-makers in the state’s legislature and the governor’s office. Since his ad’s claim simply states that he “fights” for people with preexisting conditions, his testimony in support of that program and role in securing the state waiver do seem to fit the bill.

In the long-term, however, Rosendale’s positions begin to run counter to the claim. His support for short-term, limited-duration plans poses a considerable threat to keeping health insurance affordable for all, and absent a solid plan from Congress to ensure that state reinsurance programs survive, his stated goal of repealing the ACA would actually serve to unravel the very protection he’s built his case on.

We rate this statement as Mostly False.


This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

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This story can be republished for free (details).