Las vacunas de COVID parecen ser seguras y efectivas, pero todavía hay preguntas

[khn_slabs slabs=”260982″ view=”pull-right” /]

El reciente lanzamiento de dos vacunas para COVID-19 es una luz de esperanza en medio de la pandemia.

Ahora hay un camino que puede llevarnos a tiempos más felices, incluso mientras observamos y sufrimos la horrible avalancha de nuevas infecciones, hospitalizaciones y muertes que marcan el final de este año lamentable.

[khn_slabs syndicated=”863440″ view=”pull-right” /]

Los trabajadores de salud y los residentes de hogares de adultos mayores ya han comenzado a recibir vacunas en la primera fase de la distribución. Y más deberían estar disponibles para el público en general en los primeros meses del próximo año.

Las dos vacunas, una desarrollada por Pfizer y BioNTech, la otra por Moderna, utilizan el mismo enfoque genético novedoso. Su desarrollo en menos de un año, rompiendo todos los récords, es una maravilla de la ciencia. También es motivo de preocupación para millones de estadounidenses que sienten incertidumbre ante una tecnología desconocida.

Los datos de los ensayos clínicos de Las vacunas de Pfizer y Moderna muestran que cuando se reciben las dos dosis necesarias, con un intervalo de tres semanas a un mes, tienen una eficacia de aproximadamente el 95%, al menos para prevenir la forma grave de COVID.

Sin embargo, “una vacuna que permanece en el frasco tiene un 0% de efectividad sin importar lo que muestren los datos”, dijo el doctor Walter Orenstein, profesor de enfermedades infecciosas en la Escuela de Medicina de la Universidad de Emory en Atlanta y director asociado del Centro de Vacunas Emory.

De ahí la importancia de persuadir a millones de personas, de todas las razas, culturas, religiones, simpatías políticas y edades, para que se vacunen cuando llegue el momento. Una encuesta publicada este mes mostró que el 45% de los encuestados están adoptando un enfoque de “esperar y ver qué pasa” con la vacunación.

Debido a que las vacunas se desarrollaron bajo la presión de una pandemia mortal, la clave fue la velocidad. Por lo que, aunque el número de personas en los ensayos es tan grande o mayor que en pruebas anteriores, algunas preguntas clave no se responderán hasta que se vacunen millones más.

Por ejemplo, no se sabe si podrían surgir efectos secundarios irreversibles o quién corre mayor riesgo de sufrirlos. Y tampoco si habrá que vacunarse todos los años, cada tres años o nunca más.

Estas incógnitas se suman a los desafíos que enfrentan el gobierno federal, autoridades de salud locales, profesionales médicos y entidades privadas mientras buscan persuadir a la mayor cantidad de personas posible para que se vacunen.

Hay escepticismo en muchos sectores, incluso entre los afroamericanos, que desconfían desde hace mucho tiempo del mundo médico; los ruidosos “anti-vacunas”; y gente con dudas perfectamente comprensibles. Sin mencionar las comunidades con barreras idiomáticas e inmigrantes indocumentados, más de 2 millones solo en California, que pueden temer ir al centro de vacunación.

A continuación, respuestas a algunas preguntas sobre las nuevas vacunas:

¿Cómo puedo saber si son seguras?

No hay una garantía absoluta. Pero al autorizar las vacunas de Pfizer y Moderna, la Administración de Drogas y Alimentos (FDA) determinó que sus beneficios superaban a sus riesgos.

Los efectos secundarios observados en los participantes delos ensayos fueron similares a los de otras vacunas: dolor en el lugar de la inyección, fatiga, dolor de cabeza, dolor muscular y escalofríos. “Esos son efectos secundarios menores y el beneficio es no morir a causa de esta enfermedad”, dijo el doctor George Rutherford, profesor de Epidemiología en la Universidad de California-San Francisco.

El sábado 19 de diciembre, los Centros para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC) informaron seis casos de reacción alérgica anafiláctica en las primeras 272,000 personas que recibieron la vacuna de Pfizer por fuera de los ensayos clínicos. Esto ha llevado a los CDC a recomendar que se mantenga en observación a las personas que se vacunan por unos 30 minutos.

Es posible que aparezcan otros efectos adversos inesperados en el futuro. “Las posibilidades son bajas, pero no nulas”, dijo Orenstein. Por ejemplo, todavía no hay datos suficientes para saber si las vacunas representan un riesgo elevado para las mujeres embarazadas o lactantes, o para las personas inmunodeprimidas, como las que viven con VIH.

Y sabemos muy poco sobre los efectos en los niños, que no formaron parte de los ensayos iniciales y para quienes las vacunas no están autorizadas.

¿Por qué debería vacunarse una familia?

En primer lugar, porque se protegerán de la posibilidad de una enfermedad grave o incluso de la muerte. Además, al vacunarse estarán haciendo su parte para lograr una tasa de vacunación lo suficientemente alta como para poner fin a la pandemia. Nadie sabe exactamente qué porcentaje de la población necesita vacunarse para que eso suceda, pero expertos en enfermedades infecciosas sitúan la cifra entre el 60% y el 70%, quizás incluso un poco más. Hay que pensar en vacunarse como en un deber cívico.

Entonces, ¿cuando vacunarse?

Depende del estado de salud de la persona, edad y trabajo. En la primera fase, que ya está en marcha, se está vacunando a trabajadores de salud y a adultos mayores en hogares. Las 40 millones de dosis de Moderna y Pfizer que se espera estén disponibles para fin de año deberían inmunizar a la mayoría de ellos.

Los siguientes en la fila son las personas de 75 años o más y los trabajadores esenciales en varios trabajos públicos. Luego, personas de 65 a 74 años y menores de 65 con ciertas condiciones médicas que los ponen en alto riesgo.

Es posible que haya suficientes vacunas disponibles para el resto de la población a fines de la primavera, pero es más probable el verano o incluso el otoño. Ya se han desarrollado algunos cuellos de botella en la distribución.

En el lado positivo, otras dos vacunas, una de Johnson & Johnson, la otra de AstraZeneca y la Universidad de Oxford, podrían obtener la autorización de la FDA a principios del próximo año, aumentando significativamente el suministro.

Una vez que la persona se vacuna, ¿puede dejar de usar una máscara y el distanciamiento físico?

No. Especialmente al principio, antes de que muchas personas hayan sido vacunadas. Una de las razones es la autoprotección. Las vacunas de Moderna y Pfizer tienen una efectividad del 95%, pero eso significa que la persona aún tiene un 5% de posibilidades de enfermarse si está expuesta a alguien con COVID.

Si la persona ya tuvo COVID-19, ¿aún necesita vacunarse?

Todavía no se sabe con certeza cuánto tiempo dura la inmunidad luego de la infección, y si hay posibilidad de reinfección. Expertos en salud pública dicen que es buena idea vacunarse cuando llegue el turno, especialmente si han pasado muchos meses desde que la persona dio positivo.

Se ha hablado de que las personas que ya han tenido COVID estén últimos en la fila para recibir la vacuna, para garantizar un suministro adecuado para aquellos que podrían estar en mayor riesgo.

¿Cuánto tiempo pasará antes de que se vuelva a la normalidad?

“Si todo va bien, el próximo Día de Acción de Gracias podría ser casi normal y podríamos estar acercándonos a eso para el verano”, dice el doctor William Schaffner, profesor de enfermedades infecciosas en la Escuela de Medicina de la Universidad de Vanderbilt en Nashville, Tennessee. “Pero tendría que haber una aceptación sustancial de la vacuna y datos que muestren que el virus se mueve en una dirección descendente”.

Health Officials Fear Pandemic-Related Suicide Spike Among Native Youth

WOLF POINT, Mont. — Fallen pine cones covered 16-year-old Leslie Keiser’s fresh grave at the edge of Wolf Point, a small community on the Fort Peck Indian Reservation on the eastern Montana plains.

Leslie, whose father is a member of the Fort Peck Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes, is one of at least two teenagers on the reservation who died by suicide this summer. A third teen’s death is under investigation, authorities said.

Leslie’s mother, Natalie Keiser, was standing beside the grave recently when she received a text with a photo of the headstone she had ordered.

She looked at her phone and then back at the grave of the girl who took her own life in September.

“I wish she would have reached out and let us know what was wrong,” she said.

In a typical year, Native American youth die by suicide at nearly twice the rate of their white peers in the U.S. Mental health experts worry that the isolation and shutdowns caused by the COVID-19 pandemic could make things worse.

“It has put a really heavy spirit on them, being isolated and depressed and at home with nothing to do,” said Carrie Manning, a project coordinator at the Fort Peck Tribes’ Spotted Bull Recovery Resource Center.

It’s not clear what connection the pandemic has to the youth suicides on the Fort Peck reservation. Leslie had attempted suicide once before several years ago, but she had been in counseling and seemed to be feeling better, her mother said.

Keiser noted that Leslie’s therapist canceled her counseling sessions before the pandemic hit.

“Probably with the virus it would have been discontinued anyway,” Keiser said. “It seems like things that were important were kind of set to the wayside.”

[khn_slabs slabs=”241887″ view=”inline” /]

Tribal members typically lean on one another in times of crisis, but this time is different. The reservation is a COVID hot spot. In remote Roosevelt County, which encompasses most of the reservation, more than 10% of the population has been infected with the coronavirus. The resulting social distancing has led tribal officials to worry the community will fail to see warning signs among at-risk youth.

So tribal officials are focusing their suicide prevention efforts on finding ways to help those kids remotely.

“Our people have been through hardships and they’re still here, and they’ll still be here after this one as well,” said Don Wetzel, tribal liaison for the Montana Office of Public Instruction and a member of the Blackfeet Nation. “I think if you want to look at resiliency in this country, you look at our Native Americans.”

Poverty, high rates of substance abuse, limited health care and crowded households elevate both physical and mental health risks for residents of reservations.

“It’s those conditions where things like suicide and pandemics like COVID are able to just decimate tribal people,” said Teresa Brockie, a public health researcher at Johns Hopkins University and a member of the White Clay Nation from Fort Belknap, Montana.

Montana has seen 231 suicides this year, with the highest rates occurring in rural counties. Those numbers aren’t much different from a typical year, said Karl Rosston, suicide prevention coordinator for the state’s Department of Public Health and Human Services. The state has had one of the highest suicide rates in the country each year for decades.

As physical distancing drags on, fatality numbers climb and the economic impacts of the pandemic start to take hold of families, Rosston said, and he expected to see more suicide attempts in December and January.

“We’re hoping we’re wrong in this, of course,” he said.

For rural teenagers, in particular, the isolation caused by school closures and curtailed or canceled sports seasons can tax their mental health.

“Peers are a huge factor for kids. If they’re cut off, they’re more at risk,” Rosston said.

Furthermore, teen suicides tend to cluster, especially in rural areas. Every suicide triples the risk that a surviving loved one will follow suit, Rosston said.

On average, every person who dies by suicide has six survivors. “When talking about small tribal communities, that jumps to 25 to 30,” he said.

Maria Vega, a 22-year-old member of the Fort Peck Tribes, knows this kind of contagious grief. In 2015, after finding the body of a close friend who had died by suicide, Vega attempted suicide as well. She is now a youth representative for a state-run suicide prevention committee that organizes conferences and other events for young people.

Vega is a nursing student who lives six hours away from her family, making it difficult to travel home. She contracted COVID-19 in October and was forced to isolate, increasing her sense of removal from family. While isolated, Vega was able to attend therapy sessions through a telehealth system set up by her university.

“I really do think therapy is something that would help people while they’re alone,” she said.

But Vega points out that this is not an option for many people on rural reservations who don’t have computers or reliable internet access. The therapists who offer telehealth services have long waitlists.

Frederick Lee presents a suicide prevention program called QPR (Question, Persuade, Refer) in Scobey, Montana. Organizations offering youth suicide intervention and prevention initiatives are struggling to sustain the same level of services during the pandemic. (Sara Reardon)

Other prevention programs are having difficulties operating during the pandemic. Brockie, who studies health delivery in disadvantaged populations, has twice had to delay the launch of an experimental training program for Native parents of young children. She hopes the program will lower the risk of substance abuse and suicide by teaching resiliency and parenting skills.

At Fort Peck, the reservation’s mental health center has had to scale down its youth events that teach leadership skills and traditional practices like horseback riding and archery, as well as workshops on topics like coping with grief. The events, which Manning said usually draw 200 people or more, are intended to take teenagers’ minds away from depression and allow them to have conversations about suicide, a taboo topic in many Native cultures. The few events that can go forward are limited now to a handful of people at a time.

Tribes, rural states and other organizations running youth suicide intervention and prevention initiatives are struggling to sustain the same level of services. Using money from the federal CARES Act and other sources, Montana’s Office of Public Instruction ramped up online prevention training for teachers, while Rosston’s office has beefed up counseling resources people can access by phone.

On the national level, the Center for Native American Youth in Washington, D.C., hosts biweekly webinars for young people to talk about their hopes and concerns. Executive Director Nikki Pitre said that on average around 10,000 young people log in each week. In the CARES Act, the federal government allocated $425 million for mental health programs, $15 million of which was set aside for Native health organizations.

Pitre hopes the pandemic will bring attention to the historical inequities that led to lack of health care and resources on reservations, and how they enable the twin epidemics of COVID-19 and suicide.

“This pandemic has really opened up those wounds,” she said. “We’re clinging even more to the resiliency of culture.”

In Wolf Point, Natalie Keiser experienced that resiliency and support firsthand. The Fort Peck community has come together to pay for Leslie’s funeral.

“That’s a miracle in itself,” she said.

Inside the First Chaotic Days of the Effort to Vaccinate America

One tray of COVID-19 vaccine from pharmaceutical giant Pfizer contains 975 doses — way too many for a rural hospital in Arkansas.

But with the logistical gymnastics required to safely get the Pfizer vaccine to rural health care workers, splitting the trays into smaller shipments has its own dangers. Once out of the freezer that keeps it at 94 degrees below zero, the vaccine lasts only five days and must be refrigerated in transit.

In Arkansas — where over 40% of its counties are rural and COVID infections are climbing — solving this distribution puzzle is urgently critical, said Dr. Jennifer Dillaha, the state’s epidemiologist.

“If their providers come down with COVID-19,” Dillaha said, “there’s no one there to take care of the patients.”

Such quandaries resonate with officials in Georgia, Kentucky, Utah, Indiana, Wisconsin and Colorado. The first push of the nation’s mass COVID vaccination effort has been chaotic, marked by a lack of guidance and miscommunication from the federal level.

With Washington punting most vaccination decisions, each state and county is left to weigh where to send vaccines first and which of two vaccines authorized by the Food and Drug Administration for emergency use makes the most sense for each nursing home, hospital, local health department and even school. And after warning for months that they lacked the resources to distribute vaccines, state officials are only now set to receive a major bump in funding — $8.75 billion in Congress’ latest relief bill, which lawmakers are likely to pass this week.

The feat facing public health officials has “absolutely no comparison” in recent history, said Claire Hannan, executive director of the Association of Immunization Managers.

Officials who thought the H1N1 swine flu shot in 2009 was a logistical nightmare say it now looks simple in comparison. “It was a flu vaccine. It was one dose. It came at refrigerator-stable temperatures,” Hannan said. “It was nothing like this.”

Within just a few days, the logistical barriers of the vaccine made by Pfizer and BioNTech were laid bare. Many officials now hang their hopes on Moderna, whose vaccine comes in containers of 100 doses, doesn’t require deep freezing and is good for 30 days from the time it’s shipped.

The federal government had divvied up nearly 8 million doses of Pfizer and Moderna’s vaccines to distribute this week, on top of roughly 3 million Pfizer shots that were sent last week, said Army Gen. Gustave Perna, chief operating officer of the Trump administration’s Operation Warp Speed effort.

Perna said he took “personal responsibility” for overstating how many Pfizer doses states would receive.

Federal delays have led to confusion, Dillaha said: “Sometimes we don’t have information from CDC or Operation Warp Speed until right before a decision needs to be made.”

Officials in other states painted a mixed picture of the rollout.

Georgia’s Coastal Health District, which oversees public health for eight counties and has offices in Savannah and Brunswick, spent more than $27,000 on two ultra-cold freezers for the Pfizer vaccine, which it’s treating “like gold,” said Dr. Lawton Davis, its health director. Health care workers are being asked to travel, some up to 40 minutes, to get their vaccinations, because shipping them would risk wasting doses, he said. Vaccination uptake has been lower than Davis would like to see. “It’s sort of a jigsaw puzzle and balancing act,” he said. “We’re kind of learning as we go.”

In Utah, sites to vaccinate teachers and first responders starting in January had no capability to store the Pfizer vaccine, although officials are trying to secure some ultra-cold storage, a state department of health spokesperson said. Very few of Kentucky’s local health offices could store the Pfizer shots, because of refrigeration requirements and the size of shipments, said Sara Jo Best, public health director of the Lincoln Trail District. Indiana’s state health department had to identify alternative cold storage options for 17 hospitals following changes in guidance for the vaccine thermal shippers.

And in New Hampshire, where the National Guard will help administer vaccines, officials last week were still finalizing details for 13 community-based sites where first responders and health care workers are due to get vaccinated later this month. Jake Leon, a state Health and Human Services spokesperson, said that while the sites will be able to administer both companies’ vaccines, most likely they’ll get Moderna’s because of its easier transport. Even as the earliest vaccines are injected, much remains up in the air.

“It’s day to day and even then hour by hour or minute by minute — what we know and how we plan for it,” Leon said Friday. “We’re building the plane while flying it.”

In all, the Trump administration has bought 900 million COVID vaccine doses from six companies, but most of the vaccines are still in clinical studies. Even the front-runners whose shots have received FDA emergency authorization— Pfizer and BioNTech on Dec. 11, Moderna on Dec. 18 — will require months to manufacture at that scale. The Trump administration plans to distribute 20 million vaccine doses to states by early January, Perna said Saturday.

By spring, officials hope to stage broader vaccine deployment beyond top-priority populations of health care workers, nursing home residents and staff, as well as first responders.

During the effort to vaccinate Americans against H1N1, Dillaha said, health departments set up mass vaccination clinics in their counties and delivered doses to schools. But hospitals are taking charge of parts of the initial COVID immunization campaign, both because health care workers are at highest risk of illness or death from COVID-19, and to pick up the slack from health departments overwhelmed by case investigations and contact tracing from an unending stream of new infections.

Best said her workforce is struggling to keep up with COVID infections alone, much less flu season and upcoming COVID vaccinations. Public health department personnel in Kentucky shrank by 49% from 2009 to 2019, according to state data she supplied. Across the country, 38,000 state and local health positions have disappeared since the 2008 recession. Per capita spending for local health departments has dropped by 18% since 2010.

Nationally, Pfizer and Moderna have signed contracts with the federal government to each provide 100 million vaccine doses by the end of March; Moderna is set to deliver a second tranche of 100 million doses by June. States were playing it safe last week, directing Pfizer vials mainly to facilities with ultra-cold freezers, Hannan said.

“A lot of that vaccine is destined for institutional facilities,” Sean Dickson, director of health policy for West Health Policy Center, said of the Pfizer shots. The center, with the University of Pittsburgh School of Pharmacy, found that 35% of counties have two or fewer facilities to administer COVID vaccines.

The analysis found tremendous variation in how far people would need to drive for the vaccine. Residents of North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, Nebraska and Kansas face the longest drives, with more than 10% living more than 10 miles from the closest facility that could administer a shot.

Counties with long driving distances between sites and a low number of sites overall “are going to be the hardest ones to reach,” said Inmaculada Hernandez, an assistant professor at the University of Pittsburgh School of Pharmacy and lead author of the analysis.

Certain vaccines could be better suited for such places, including Johnson & Johnson’s potential offering, which is a single shot, and health departments could distribute in rural areas through mobile units, she said. The company is expected to apply for FDA emergency authorization in February, Operation Warp Speed chief scientific adviser Moncef Slaoui said this month.

Until then, Pfizer and Moderna are the companies supplying doses for the country, and they’re not considered equal even though each is more than 90% effective at reducing disease.

In Wisconsin, the Moderna vaccine “gives us many more options” and “allows for us to get doses to those smaller clinics, more-rural clinics, in a way that reduces the number of logistics” needed for ultra-cold storage, Dr. Stephanie Schauer, the state’s immunization program manager, told reporters Wednesday.

Alan Morgan, head of the National Rural Health Association, echoed that the Moderna vaccine is being looked to as a “rural solution.” But he said states including Kansas have shown that a Pfizer rural rollout can be done.

“It’s where these states put a priority — either they prioritize rural or they don’t,” he said. “It’s a cautionary tale of what we may see this spring, of rural populations perhaps being second-tier when it comes to vaccination.”

Virginia, too, has a plan for getting the Pfizer vaccine to far-flung places. It’s shipping the vaccines to 18 health facilities with ultra-cold freezers across the state. The hubs are distributed widely enough so vaccinators can bring shots from there to health workers even in thinly populated areas before they spoil, said Brookie Crawford, spokesperson for the Virginia Department of Health’s central region.

Washington, on the other hand, allows hospitals without ultra-cold freezers to temporarily store Pfizer vaccines in the thermal boxes they arrive in, said Franji Mayes, spokesperson for the state’s health department. That means a box needs to be used quickly, before doses expire. “We are also working on a policy that will allow hospitals who don’t expect to vaccinate 975 people to transfer extra vaccine to other enrolled facilities,” she said. “This will reduce wasted vaccine.”

Democrats Are Running Hard on Health Care in Georgia’s Senate Runoffs. Republicans? Not So Much.

This story is from a reporting partnership that includes WABE, NPR and KHN. It can be republished for free.

Vice President Mike Pence was the clear celebrity draw at a Nov. 20 campaign event for Georgia’s two incumbent U.S. senators, Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue. Both Republicans are fighting to keep their seats against two Democratic challengers in the runoff election set for Jan. 5.

People were so eager to see Pence at the rally in Canton, Georgia, that parking spots were scarce and a long line of cars snaked through the parking lot of a community college. Some drivers jumped the curb and parked in the grass.

Hundreds of people, many unmasked, were given temperature checks before boarding large coach buses for a short ride to the rally site. The venue was a large, open space outside the conference center, but few attendees maintained physical distance

The runoff in Georgia was triggered when no candidate in either Senate race won more than 50% of the vote in the general election on Nov. 3.

In the midst of the coronavirus pandemic and with the fate of the Affordable Care Act in question, Republicans hope the two incumbents will win reelection, thus preserving their party’s 50-48 control of the Senate.

But if the two challengers, Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff, win their runoffs, Democrats will gain narrow control of the Senate, with Vice President-elect Kamala Harris serving as the designated tie-breaker.

Yana De Moraes came to the rally from another Atlanta suburb, Buford. She is uninsured and, after a recent hospital stay, said the high cost of medical care was weighing on her mind.

“We would like our health care costs lowered, so it could be more affordable,” she said, with a rueful laugh. “So you don’t get another heart attack while you’re getting a bill!”

De Moraes added she’d also like to see better price controls on prescription drugs to stop pharmaceutical companies from “robbing American people.”

Others on their way to the rally said they were looking for any kind of change, ideally one that minimizes government involvement in health care.

Barry Brown made the 40-mile drive from his home in Atlanta for the rally. He’s retired but too young to qualify for Medicare, so he has ACA insurance, which he affords with the help of a federal subsidy.

“It sort of works. It’s better than nothing,” Brown said. “I would like to see an improved health care situation. I don’t know what that will be, so maybe they’ll mention that today. I’m hoping so.”

But at the rally, Loeffler only briefly mentioned her health care plan, which focuses on reducing drug prices and giving people access to insurance options that cost less but offer fewer benefits.

When it was his turn to speak, Perdue didn’t talk much about health care either, though he did take a shot at Obamacare, which he’s voted multiple times to overturn.

“Remember a little thing called the Affordable Care Act? You think that was done bipartisan?” Perdue asked the crowd. “No! It was done with a supermajority! Can you imagine what they’re gonna do if they get control of the Senate?”

As the two Republicans have campaigned throughout the state, they have consistently stoked fears about what Democrats will do, and health care policy has not led their messaging.

Their Democratic challengers, however, have been all over health care in their own speeches.

Warnock opened his runoff campaign to unseat Loeffler with a modestly attended Nov. 12 event devoted to health care. That’s also been a focus for Ossoff in his bid to win Perdue’s seat.

“This is why these Senate runoffs are so vital,” Ossoff explained at a small, physically distanced event in the shadow of the Georgia Capitol building in Atlanta on Nov. 10.

Ossoff and Warnock support adding a public insurance option to the Affordable Care Act. They also have emphasized the role Democrats will play in resurrecting key parts of the law if the U.S. Supreme Court decides to overturn it. The justices are set to make a ruling next year.

“If the Supreme Court strikes down the Affordable Care Act, it will be up to Congress to decide how to legislate such that preexisting conditions remain covered,” Ossoff said.

Voters like Janel Green, a Democrat, connect with that message. She’s from the nearby suburb of Decatur and is fighting breast cancer — for the second time. Green wondered whether her private health insurance might try to deny her coverage if the protections in the ACA disappear.

“I have to worry about whether or not next year in open enrollment that I won’t be discriminated against, that I won’t have limits that would then potentially end my life,” she said.

More than one-quarter of Georgians have preexisting conditions that could make it hard to get coverage if the ACA is struck down, according to an analysis by KFF. (KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF.)

That possibility also drove Atlanta resident Herschel Jones to support the runoff. On a recent weekday morning, he dropped by an Ossoff campaign office to pick up a yard sign.

Jones, who has diabetes, is insured through the Veterans Health Administration. He said everyone deserves access to health care.

“It’s a main issue, because the Affordable Care Act benefits all those individuals who might have preexisting conditions,” Jones said.

One likely reason Ossoff and Warnock are running so much harder on health care than Perdue and Loeffler is because that strategy paid off for Democrats in the general election, said Ken Thorpe, a health policy professor at Emory University.

President-elect Joe Biden can thank independent voters for his win in Georgia, Thorpe said, and they were drawn to him because of his promise to uphold Obamacare.

“The threat of potentially losing health insurance in the midst of this pandemic turned out to be probably the major defining issue in the election,” Thorpe said.

Polling in the days leading up to the Nov. 3 election showed Democrats were motivated on the issues of health care and the coronavirus pandemic.

For Democrats to win Georgia’s Senate seats, Thorpe said, they’ll need to stay focused on those issues. That emphasis could help them attract additional moderate voters, as well as entice those in the party base to cast ballots a second time.

“The health care issue is the probably main motivating factor that’s gonna get Democrats and independents to the polls,” he said.

Still, no Democrat has ever won a statewide runoff race in Georgia. That means that even with a strong health care message, it’ll be tough for Ossoff and Warnock to break that trend and unseat the Republicans, Thorpe said.

This story is from a reporting partnership that includes WABENPR and KHN, an editorially independent program of KFF.

Surprise! Congress Takes Steps to Curb Unexpected Medical Bills

Most Americans tell pollsters they’re worried about being able to afford an unexpected medical bill.

Late Monday, Congress passed a bill to allay some of those fears. The measure is included in a nearly 5,600-page package providing coronavirus economic relief and government funding for the rest of the fiscal year.

Specifically, the legislation addresses those charges that result from a long-running practice in which out-of-network medical providers — from doctors to air ambulance companies — send insured Americans “surprise bills,” sometimes for tens of thousands of dollars.

The legislation itself was a bit of a surprise, coming after two years of debate that featured high-stakes lobbying by all who stood to gain or lose: hospitals, insurers, patient advocacy groups, physicians, air ambulance companies and private equity firms, which own a growing number of doctor practices. A similar effort failed at the last minute a year ago after intense pressure from a range of interests, including those private equity groups.

This time around, no group got everything it wanted. Lawmakers compromised — mainly over how to determine how much providers will ultimately be paid for their services.

“No law is perfect,” said Zack Cooper, an associate professor of public health and economics at Yale who studies health care pricing. “But it fundamentally protects patients from being balance-billed,” he said, referring to out-of-network medical providers billing patients for amounts their insurer did not cover. “That’s a remarkable achievement.”

The bottom line: Patients may still be surprised by the high cost of health care overall. But they will now be protected against unexpected bills from out-of-network providers.

Here’s a rundown on what this legislation means for consumers:

Fewer Surprise Bills

Starting in 2022, when the law goes into effect, consumers won’t get balance bills when they seek emergency care, when they are transported by an air ambulance, or when they receive nonemergency care at an in-network hospital but are unknowingly treated by an out-of-network physician or laboratory.

Patients will pay only the deductibles and copayment amounts that they would under the in-network terms of their insurance plans.

Medical providers won’t be allowed to hold patients responsible for the difference between those amounts and the higher fees they might like to charge. Instead, those providers will have to work out with insurers acceptable payments. For the uninsured, for whom everything is out of network, the bill requires the secretary of Health and Human Services to create a provider-patient bill dispute resolution process.

The measure takes aim at situations in which patients have little choice about whether they are in network, including emergencies. A recent survey found 18% of emergency room visits, on average, resulted in at least one surprise bill. (A growing number of emergency rooms are staffed by private equity-owned agencies that sign few in-network agreements.)

The legislative agreement also applies to nonemergency care provided at in-network facilities, where patients receive care and services from out-of-network providers, such as anesthesiologists and laboratories.

Also included in the bar on balance billing is air ambulance transportation, which is among the most expensive medical services, often costing tens of thousands of dollars.

Still, the bill does not extend its consumer protections to the far more commonly used ground ambulance services. But it does call for an advisory committee to recommend how to take this step.

An Option for Consumers to Agree to Balance Billing

In some cases, physicians can balance-bill their patients, but they must get consent in advance.

This part of the bill is aimed at patients who want to see an out-of-network physician, perhaps a surgeon or obstetrician recommended by a friend.

In those cases, physicians must provide a cost estimate and get patient consent at least 72 hours before treatment. For shorter-turnaround situations, the bill requires that patients receive the consent information the day the appointment is made.

In a sense, though, this provision allows consumers to forfeit protection.

Health providers “have to give you a good-faith cost estimate. If you sign that, then you can be billed whatever that physician wants to bill you,” said Jack Hoadley, research professor emeritus in the Health Policy Institute at Georgetown University.

The legislation allows this only in nonemergency circumstances and bars many types of physicians from the practice. Anesthesiologists, for example, can’t seek consent to balance-bill for their services, nor can radiologists, pathologists, neonatologists, assistant surgeons or laboratories.

Payment Will Be Sorted Out in Negotiations

While lawmakers agreed that patients will be held harmless, the real fight was over how to decide what amounts providers would be paid by insurers.

Some groups — including hospitals and physicians — opposed any kind of benchmark or standard to which all bills would be held. On the other side, insurers, employers and consumer groups argued for a benchmark, warning that, without one, providers would angle for much higher payments.

The legislation carves out some middle ground.

It gives insurers and providers 30 days to try to negotiate payment of out-of-network bills. If that fails, the claims would go through an independent dispute resolution process with an arbitrator, who would have the final say.

The bill does not specify a benchmark, but it bars physicians and hospitals from using their “billed charges” during arbitration. Such charges are generally far higher than negotiated rates and bear little or no relation to the actual cost of providing the care.

That was considered a win for insurers, employers and consumer advocates, who argued that allowing billed charges would mean higher prices — potentially driving up premiums — in cases sent to arbitration.

Billed charges “are totally made up” by providers, said Cooper, at Yale. “So, the big deal is that arbitrators are not considering charges.”

But hospitals and doctors won a limit they sought, too.

In last-minute changes over the weekend, they succeeded in barring consideration of Medicare or Medicaid prices during arbitration. Those government payments are often far lower than the negotiated rates paid by insurers and self-insured employers.

Instead, the bill says negotiators can consider the median in-network prices paid by each insurer for the services in dispute. Other factors, too, can come into play, including whether the medical provider tried to join the insurers’ network, and how sick the patient was compared with others. It also allows consideration of network rates a provider may have agreed to during the previous four years, which might help some high-priced services, such as air ambulances, remain costly even in arbitration.

Overall, the legislation “did include some wins for provider groups,” said Loren Adler, associate director at the USC-Brookings Schaeffer Initiative for Health Policy.

Even so, he expects the legislation will help insurers contain some prices and provide “some downward pressure on premiums, even if relatively minor at the end of the day.”

State Laws May Change

More than 30 states have enacted some type of surprise billing protections, but only 17 are considered comprehensive, according to the Commonwealth Fund.

Comprehensive states — California, New York and New Mexico, for example — extend protections to cover nonemergency situations at in-network hospitals, but that isn’t the case in less comprehensive states, the fund noted.

And state laws have another limitation: They apply only to certain types of insurance, and often do not cover Americans who get their health insurance through self-insured employers, which tend to be midsize to large companies because they fall under federal rules.

But the new federal rules will cover most types of insurance plans, including those offered by self-insured employers.

“States can’t fully deal with these situations, but this covers it,” said Hoadley, at Georgetown.

Still, some provisions in state law, such as how to determine a payment, differ from the federal law. In such cases, the federal law defers to states.

Statehouse lawmakers may eventually alter their legislation or adopt new proposals to avoid confusion, said policy experts. If they don’t, they could be left with rules that affect people differently depending on whether their insurance comes through a large self-insured employer or directly from an insurance plan subject to state law. “I would be surprised if, over time, states don’t just glom onto the federal law,” said Adler.

California’s COVID Enforcement Strategy: Education Over Citations

Use Our Content

It can be republished for free.

SACRAMENTO — Nearly six months since Gov. Gavin Newsom promised to target businesses that are flagrantly violating public health orders to control the spread of COVID-19, California regulators have issued just 424 citations and suspended two business licenses as of Monday, according to data from 10 state regulatory and law enforcement agencies.

Instead of strictly penalizing businesses for violations, the Democratic governor and businessman with a portfolio of wineries, bars and restaurants under the brand name PlumpJack, has relied on educating owners about infectious disease mandates. State agencies have contacted establishments primarily by email, sending them 1.3 million messages since July 1 to urge them to comply with state and local public health rules.

Enforcement at bars and restaurants where alcohol is served, identified by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as among the highest-risk environments for COVID transmission, has been limited, data shows. The state Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control, which can issue criminal misdemeanor citations, fine businesses and revoke liquor licenses, has issued just 45 citations against bars and 119 against restaurants since July. No fines have been issued or licenses revoked for the 94,000 businesses it regulates.

By comparison, the state of New York — with half the population of California and far fewer eating and drinking establishments — has issued 1,867 fines against bars and restaurants and temporarily suspended 279 business liquor licenses from June 18 to Dec. 8.

“The reality is it’s not enough to send an email and say ‘Wear a mask,’” said Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, a professor of epidemiology and biostatistics at the University of California-San Francisco. “We see workplace violations that we know are major sources of transmission. We have to be willing to enforce or there’s no point in doing these things.”

Like much of the country, both California and New York, the nation’s two most populous Democratic-led states, have put primary responsibility for enforcing public health mandates on cities and counties. Newsom and New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo have bolstered local enforcement efforts by forming statewide task forces to go after businesses that repeatedly violate or ignore public health rules, such as mask mandates and business closures.

But California has been less aggressive than New York in targeting and penalizing bad actors. Newsom and state agencies have instead relied on tough talk and persuasion, emphasizing “personal responsibility,” informing businesses about their responsibilities — and giving them plenty of time to comply.

“I’m not coming out with a fist. We want to come out with an open heart,” Newsom said July 1. “We have, I think, a responsibility at the same time to go after people that are thumbing their nose, that are particularly being aggressive and reticent to do anything.”

The state’s lenient enforcement policy has put enormous responsibility and pressure on cities and counties struggling to gain compliance with COVID measures. Local government leaders are preparing for deep budget cuts and can’t find resources to undertake a coherent enforcement strategy of their own. Many are also fighting intense political battles over mask mandates, curfews and other COVID safety measures.

As a result, some counties enforce the rules and some don’t. And because the state hasn’t stepped in to assist with adequate enforcement, some local officials say, businesses are often free to ignore the rules, allowing the virus to run rampant.

“It would be nice to have some air support from the governor,” said Nevada City Councilman Doug Fleming, who backs the city’s new ordinance imposing fines for violating the state mask mandate. “He’s kind of forcing local jurisdictions to enforce his rules without any air support.”

California is experiencing a COVID surge as never before, setting records almost daily for infections and deaths. Hospitals across the state are running dangerously low on intensive care beds, with the state reporting 2.5% ICU capacity as of Monday.

Most of California is under a mandatory stay-at-home order, which prohibits indoor and outdoor dining and requires closure of a wide swath of businesses, from barbershops to wineries. Retail operations are limited to 20% capacity and churches must hold services outside.

Yet across the state, many people continue to flout the rules, keeping businesses open and refusing to wear masks in public. Pastors Jim and Cyndi Franklin, for instance, continue to hold indoor Sunday sermons at the Cornerstone Church in Fresno. Bars in Los Angeles County were packed with maskless football fans on a recent Sunday. And the owners of Calla Lily Crepes in Nevada City have repeatedly refused to close or require masks despite more than 20 warnings and attempts by Nevada County to gain compliance.

As ICUs run out of capacity, this Huntington Beach, CA scene was posted by a resident noting that today’s Green Bay/ Detroit game can be seen on overhead TVs. pic.twitter.com/Dcr3IlOOaS

— Margot Roosevelt (@margotroosevelt) December 14, 2020

“We are free thinkers. I hope I’m not stepping out too far by saying we strongly question the masks, but we do,” said Rebecca Sweet Engstrom, who owns the restaurant with her husband, Darren Engstrom. “We feel that it should be people’s choice.”

Newsom in July threatened to withhold money from cities and counties that refuse to enforce public health orders. To date, the state has withheld federal funding from two cities in the Central Valley, Atwater and Coalinga, for allowing businesses to remain open in defiance of state and local health orders.

The governor has also directed 10 state agencies to police egregious violators of state and local health orders, primarily businesses, to protect workers and the public. State enforcement officials have issued few harsh penalties, they argue, because most businesses are complying — and the state doesn’t want to be punitive.

In interviews, regulators described long hours of back-breaking work to inform business owners about the rapidly changing COVID restrictions and enforcement rules.

“We’re not trying to get into an adversarial situation here,” said Erika Monterroza, chief spokesperson for the state Department of Industrial Relations, which oversees Cal/OSHA, the agency responsible for regulating workplace safety and employer public health mandates.

Cal/OSHA issued 219 COVID-related citations to 90 employers from Aug. 25 to Dec. 14, accompanied by about $2.2 million in proposed fines, according to department data. The penalties ranged from $475 on Sept. 30 against a Taco Bell in Anaheim for failing to require employees to maintain 6 feet of physical distance, to $108,000 on Oct. 29 against Apple Bistro in Placerville for not requiring masks indoors and for not providing adequate physical distance between employees and guests. The department is investigating about 1,700 other cases.

The state Board of Barbering and Cosmetology, which regulates about 54,000 salons and barbershops, has levied just two citations and suspended two licenses, both held by Primo’s Barbershop in Vacaville, which has “very adamantly” opposed state health orders, said Matt Woodcheke, a spokesperson for the state Department of Consumer Affairs, which oversees the board.

No citations have been issued for COVID-related public health violations by California’s 280 state parks, nor by the California Highway Patrol.

Regulators said they have felt tremendous angst trying to get businesses to follow rapidly changing rules, but they aim for voluntary compliance and don’t want to cause businesses to go under.

“This is extremely difficult and we don’t want to do it,” said Luke Blehm, an acting supervising agent in charge for the state Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control. “We are all compassionate and empathetic and it’s a very hard thing to tell somebody that they’ve got to close and they may lose everything because of these rules they have to comply with.”

The state Department of Public Health, which is not one of the 10 task force agencies but assists them, has not issued fines or citations for health order violations, even though it is the primary agency responsible for issuing statewide mandates, according to spokesperson Corey Egel.

In New York, by contrast, Cuomo has leaned on political leaders and law enforcement agencies to aggressively police violations of COVID public health rules and has publicly admonished sheriffs who refuse to enforce violations. He ordered a statewide crackdown on bars and restaurants as cases surged this summer after contact-tracing data indicated drinking and dining were a major source of community spread, said Cuomo spokesperson Jack Sterne.

In hard-hit counties and towns where political leadership rebuffed enforcement, the Cuomo administration deployed COVID strike teams composed of state inspectors — in some cases, retrained Department of Motor Vehicles employees — to police business violations of public health rules. Cuomo argues it has made a difference.

“Compliance on bars has increased dramatically from when we started,” he said in September, “because if you know someone is going to check, if you know there’s monitoring, people tend to increase compliance.”

In California, some counties are enforcing COVID restrictions. San Diego County is dedicating six sheriff’s deputies to the cause and fines repeat violators up to $1,000.

“We’re supportive of enforcement here,” said San Diego County Sheriff’s Lt. Ricardo Lopez. “COVID-19 is exploding and our view is, let’s get this over with as fast as possible.”

But elsewhere, county health officers pushing for stricter enforcement face intense political opposition from their bosses and law enforcement agencies. Sacramento County, for example, dropped its plan to impose fines this month after confronting resistance from businesses. Sacramento County Sheriff Scott Jones also has refused to enforce mask and other public health mandates.

Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association, said the state, ideally, should develop a consistent statewide enforcement system that starts with warnings and a strong public messaging campaign, then moves to graduated fines if noncompliance continues.

Until that happens, local leaders say, the patchwork of rules and enforcement strategies is causing confusion and chaos.

“People are continuing to disobey,” said Dr. Olivia Kasirye, Sacramento County’s health officer. “Some people are outright angry with us, asking why aren’t we doing something, but all we can do is refer problems to the state enforcement agencies.”

As Biden Gets Sworn In, White House Will Get Scrubbed Down

It was a down-in-the-mud presidential campaign, but the dirtiest part comes on Inauguration Day.

As Joe Biden lifts his right hand to take the oath of office at noon on Jan. 20 at the Capitol, a team of specially trained cleaners will be lifting their hands to disinfect the White House.

The executive mansion will get a deep clean after two COVID-19 outbreaks this fall led to President Donald Trump and members of his staff and family becoming infected.

The departure of one president and the arrival of another is always a fast but highly synchronized behind-the-scenes ballet by White House staff members and moving crews.

But this year is different. The shift means more than rearranging the Oval Office and putting new clothes in bedroom closets: It means a top-to-bottom disinfection amid a pandemic. Biden, who at 78 is taking office as the oldest president in U.S. history, is at high risk of complications from the virus.

So, the General Services Administration will oversee a thorough cleaning and disinfection of every doorknob, toilet handle, light switch, stair railing, telephone, elevator button, computer keyboard and other objects inside the 55,000-square-foot mansion at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave.

But can such a large building get fully clean in just five or six hours?

Experts say that should not be a problem with a large enough team and preparation time.

K. Mark Wiencek, lead microbiologist for South Carolina-based Contec Inc., which sells cleaning supplies to hospitals, said GSA cleaners should focus on the rooms last occupied by the Trump staff, since the virus can’t survive long on surfaces. Cleaning crews, he added, should wear masks and gloves to protect themselves and not introduce any germs.

He recommended replacing the air filters and using fogging and spraying disinfectant to kill viruses.

The GSA said it is already cleaning the White House East Wing and West Wing offices daily with disinfectant.

GSA officials said they expect no difficulties in making the transition and pledged that all furniture and surfaces would be cleaned. “GSA will thoroughly clean and disinfect the building spaces between the administrations and ensure that everything is up to standard,” a spokesperson said in a statement.

It’s vital that cleaners leave the cleaning chemicals on surfaces a full 10 minutes before wiping them down, said O.P. Almaraz, a disaster relief expert in West Covina, California, and president of Allied Restoration, which has cleaned dozens of businesses after suspected COVID cases.

“With a large enough crew, a professional disinfection company could apply disinfectants to the entire White House in six hours,” he said. It’s important, he explained, that the crew pay “special attention to points that may be touched often, like tabletops, door handles and light switches.”

As long as cleaners have an organized plan for each room, Almaraz doesn’t see them having trouble getting done before the Bidens move in at the end of the day.

Sheldon Yellen, CEO of Michigan-based Belfor Property Restoration, said cleaning crews need to be rehearsed and in fully ventilated suits to clean the White House in one afternoon.

“It’s a level 3 clean,” he said, noting the building needs the most intensive service because of confirmed COVID cases. That means disposing of anything that doesn’t have to stay for the Bidens, including pillows and bedsheets. He said books need to be wiped down, not just on the binding but all sides. He recommended cleaning the ductwork and ventilation systems as well.

Jack Shevel, co-founder of San Diego disinfection company Zappogen, said that because COVID-19 spreads by airborne transmission, it is best to disinfect using an electrostatic sprayer or fogger filled with a disinfectant designed to kill airborne pathogens. That covers a large area more easily than just wiping surfaces.

“To truly disinfect all those rooms quickly and thoroughly, they should be sprayed with a fine micron mist that can reach all crevices and surfaces evenly,” he said.

Still, the White House cleaners must be careful to remove paintings, antiques and other valuable items before spraying with disinfectant, said Ernesto Abel-Santos, professor of biochemistry at the University of Nevada-Las Vegas. Those items should be cleaned by hand.

Abel-Santos said a simple alcohol-based disinfectant should be enough to kill the COVID virus. Although the virus can be detected on some surfaces for days, it typically degrades within hours. People are much more likely to be infected by droplets expelled when someone coughs, sneezes or talks.

During the turnover, cleaners should focus on the most commonly used areas of the building, he said, such as the Oval Office and bedrooms. “The rest can get deep-cleaned as needed,” he added.

Even more important than cleaning, however, is asking the new president and his family and staff to physically distance, wear their masks and wash their hands, according to Abel-Santos.

“You don’t realize how many times in a day you touch your face with your hands,” he said. “If you touch a surface and then touch your face, it increases the probability of contagion.”

With Few Takers for COVID Vaccine, DC Hospital CEO Takes ‘One for the Team’

This story also ran on Daily Beast. It can be republished for free.

Administrators at Howard University Hospital in Washington, D.C., were thrilled to be among the city’s first hospitals to get a COVID-19 vaccine, but they knew it could be a tough sell to get staffers to take the shot.

They were right.

The hospital, located on the campus of one the nation’s oldest historically Black colleges, received 725 doses of the vaccine made by Pfizer and BioNTech on Dec. 14 and expects 1,000 more vaccine doses this week to immunize its workers.

Yet, as of Friday afternoon, about 600 employees had signed up for the shots, touted as about 95% effective in preventing the deadly disease. Howard has about 1,900 employees, not counting hundreds of independent contractors it also hoped to vaccinate.

“There is a high level of mistrust and I get it,” said Anita Jenkins, the hospital’s chief executive officer who received the shot Tuesday in hopes of inspiring her staff to follow her lead. “People are genuinely afraid of the vaccine.”

Studies showed few serious side effects in more than 40,000 people before the vaccine was authorized for emergency use in the U.S. A few people worldwide have had allergic reactions in the past week.

In late November, a hospital survey of 350 workers found 70% either did not want to take a COVID vaccine or did not want it as soon as it became available.

So, officials are not dismayed at the turnout so far, saying it shows their educational campaign is beginning to work.

“This is a significant win,” said Jenkins, who added she was happy to “take one for the team” when she and other health care personnel got the first shots. About 380 Howard employees or affiliated staff had been vaccinated by Friday afternoon.

Although hesitancy toward the vaccine is a challenge nationally, it’s a significant problem among Black adults because of their generations-long distrust of the medical community and racial inequities in health care.

When Jenkins posted a picture of herself getting vaccinated on her Facebook page, she received many thumbs up but also pointed criticism. “One called me a sellout and asked why I would do that to my people,” she said.

Before being vaccinated, Jenkins said, she read about the clinical trials and was glad to learn the first vaccines in development were unlike some that use weakened or inactivated viruses to stimulate the body’s immune defense. The COVID vaccine by Pfizer and BioNTech does not contain the actual virus.

And one factor driving her to take the shot was that some employees said they would be more willing to do it if she did.

The hesitancy among her staff members has its roots in the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, said Jenkins, who started at Howard in February.

The 40-year study, which was run by the U.S. Public Health Service until 1972, followed 600 Black men infected with syphilis in rural Alabama over the course of their lives. The researchers refused to tell patients their diagnosis or treat them for the debilitating disease. Many men died of the disease and several wives contracted it.

Jenkins said she was not surprised that many Howard employees — including doctors — are questioning whether to take a vaccine, even though Black patients are twice as likely to die of COVID-19.

While African Americans make up 45% of the population in the District of Columbia, they account for 74% of the 734 COVID deaths. Nationally, Blacks are nearly four times more likely to be hospitalized due to COVID compared with whites and nearly three times more likely to die.

Howard, which has treated hundreds of COVID patients, was one of six hospitals in the city to get the first batch of nearly 7,000 doses of the Pfizer vaccine Monday. About one-third of those doses were administered by Friday morning, said Justin Palmer, a vice president of the District of Columbia Hospital Association.

Federal officials Friday authorized a second vaccine, made by Moderna, for emergency use. That vaccine is expected to be distributed starting this week.

The political bickering over the COVID response has also hurt efforts to instill confidence in the vaccine, Jenkins said.

Other than a sore arm, Jenkins said, she’s had no side effects from the vaccine, which can also commonly cause fatigue and headache. “Today I am walking the halls,” she explained, “and I got the shot two days ago.”

Part of the challenge for Jenkins and other hospital officials will be persuading employees not just to take a vaccine now but to return for the booster shot three weeks later. One dose offers only partial protection.

Jenkins said the hospital plans to make reminder calls to get people to follow up. She said efforts to increase participation at the hospital will also continue.

“It was important for me to be a standard-bearer to show the team I am in there with them,” she said.

This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Montana’s Mask Mandate in Doubt With Incoming Governor

Use Our Content

It can be republished for free.

HELENA, Mont. — Incoming Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte signaled he won’t continue a statewide mask mandate in place since July, though he said he plans to wear a mask himself and get vaccinated against COVID-19.

If Gianforte, a Republican, reverses outgoing Democratic Gov. Steve Bullock’s mask order, Montana will be just the second state after Mississippi to lift its mandate. Thirty-eight states now have statewide mandates.

“I trust Montanans with their health and the health of their loved ones,” Gianforte said in a recent interview with KHN. “The state has a role in clearly communicating the risks of who is most vulnerable, what the potential consequences are, but then I do trust Montanans to make the right decisions for themselves and their family.”

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says masks help prevent transmission of COVID-19. At least one study has found that states with mask requirements have had slower COVID growth rates compared with those without mandates.

“We’re going to encourage people to wear masks,” Gianforte said. “I’m personally going to lead by example, wearing a mask in the Capitol.”

Montana is the only state where control of the governor’s office is changing parties as a result of November’s election. Also, among the 11 governors being sworn in this January, Gianforte will be the only one new to managing his state’s response to the pandemic.

Nine of the others are incumbents starting second terms. The 10th, Spencer Cox, is Utah’s lieutenant governor in the current administration and has played a central role in his state’s COVID response.

Montana alone will have wholly new leadership next year as states try to keep hospitals from overflowing amid the surging virus, while adjusting to a new presidential administration and executing vaccine distribution plans.

Gianforte doesn’t plan to scrap everything the outgoing administration has done to fight the pandemic. For example, he said he and Bullock are “on the same page” when it comes to prioritizing distribution of the vaccine to health care workers and vulnerable residents.

Gianforte also said he plans to take the vaccine when it’s his turn.

“When my name comes up on the list, I will raise my hand and I am going to get vaccinated,” Gianforte said. “It’s very important that I lead by example because I think this vaccine is a critical part of us getting back to normal.”

Gianforte, a businessman who sold his software company, RightNow Technologies, to Oracle for $1.8 billion in 2011, has long coveted Montana’s governor’s office, spending nearly $12 million of his personal fortune over four years and two campaigns to win the seat.

He ran against Bullock and lost in 2016, then won Montana’s congressional seat in a 2017 special election infamous for Gianforte’s misdemeanor assault against a reporter trying to ask him questions.

Gianforte won a second term in Congress in 2018 and defeated Bullock’s lieutenant governor, Mike Cooney, by more than 12 percentage points in November’s election.

Gianforte will be the first Republican in the governor’s office in 16 years. Republican lawmakers, who control the Montana Legislature, cheered Gianforte’s election and have high expectations for the session that begins the day of his inauguration.

Republican lawmakers will likely seek budget cuts after unsuccessfully asking Bullock to preemptively cut state spending during the pandemic. Bullock has said the state is in good financial shape and that any decision to cut spending would be made for ideological reasons, not out of necessity.

Gianforte has declined to indicate whether he plans to support spending cuts, saying his incoming team is still reviewing Bullock’s proposed two-year budget. That budget proposal includes spending increases to Medicaid, support for children and families, senior and long-term care and treatment for addiction and mental disorders.

John Doran, vice president of external affairs for Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Montana, said he hopes lawmakers spare health services used by at-risk residents if they plan to reduce spending to balance the budget.

“These are critical services and the need for them has only increased since the start of the pandemic,” Doran said.

The structure of Montana’s Medicaid expansion program could emerge as one of the more contentious health issues this session. The federal and state health insurance program for people with low incomes or disabilities extended eligibility to Montana adults who make 138% of the federal poverty level in 2015, and it now enrolls more than 90,000 low-income adults.

At least a half-dozen bill requests have been made by Republican lawmakers ahead of the session to revise the Medicaid expansion program, alarming some health care industry officials. Rich Rasmussen, president and CEO of the Montana Hospital Association, said Medicaid expansion has helped small, rural hospitals maintain financial stability, particularly during the COVID crisis.

“We will adamantly oppose any effort to dismantle the program,” Rasmussen said. “We will share with lawmakers how devastating it will be to employers.”

Gianforte said he supports continuing Medicaid expansion but would be willing to revise the program to increase safeguards against fraud. There hasn’t been evidence of widespread fraud in the state’s Medicaid expansion program.

“If we let people sign up for it who are not qualified, the benefits may not be there for the people who really need it,” he said. “So I am open to additional accountability components.”

Gianforte also is expected to be drawn into a legislative debate about changing or limiting the powers of county public health officials. Local conservative leaders and business owners complain that many health officials have overstepped their authority during the pandemic, while at least seven local health leaders have left their positions amid complaints about a lack of support by some county leaders and law enforcement officials in enforcing directives.

Republican Rep. David Bedey is proposing a measure that would require county commissioners to ratify any decisions made by a local public health officer or panel. He said his proposal isn’t meant to take power away from public health officials, but rather to shift the accountability of such decisions to elected officials.

“I do not wish to punish public health officials,” Bedey said. I think they need political cover to do their jobs.”

Bedey’s proposal is one of a handful of bill requests seeking changes in the powers of local health officials. Some health industry officials and lobbyists worry about any infringement on the ability to respond to a public health emergency.

“Local governments are best equipped to make decisions about the health of their communities,” said Amanda Cahill, the Montana government relations director for the American Heart Association and American Stroke Association. “Public health safeguards are more important than ever, and we hope that the ability of local decision-makers to take protective action remains intact.”

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Many US Health Experts Underestimated the Coronavirus … Until It Was Too Late

Use Our Content

It can be republished for free.

A year ago, while many Americans were finishing their holiday shopping and finalizing travel plans, doctors in Wuhan, China, were battling a mysterious outbreak of pneumonia with no known cause.

Chinese doctors began to fear they were witnessing the return of severe acute respiratory syndrome, or SARS, a coronavirus that emerged in China in late 2002 and spread to 8,000 people worldwide, killing almost 800.

The disease never gained a foothold in the U.S. and disappeared by 2004.

Although the disease hasn’t been seen in 16 years, SARS cast a long shadow that colored how many nations — and U.S. scientists — reacted to its far more dangerous cousin, the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19.

When Chinese officials revealed that their pneumonia outbreak was caused by another new coronavirus, Asian countries hit hard by SARS knew what they had to do, said Dr. Amesh Adalja, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security. Taiwan and South Korea had already learned the importance of a rapid response that included widespread testing, contact tracing and isolating infected people.

The U.S., by contrast, learned all the wrong lessons.

This country’s 20-year run of good luck with emerging pathogens —including not just SARS, but also the relatively mild H1N1 pandemic, Middle East respiratory syndrome, Ebola, Zika virus and two strains of bird flu — gave us a “false sense of security,” Adalja said.

KHN’s in-depth examination of the year-long pandemic shows that many leading infectious disease specialists underestimated the fast-moving outbreak in its first weeks and months, assuming that the United States would again emerge largely unscathed. American hubris prevented the country from reacting as quickly and effectively as Asian nations, Adalja said.

During the first two decades of this century, “there were a lot of fire alarms with no fire, so people tended to ignore this one,” said Lawrence Gostin, director of Georgetown’s O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law, who acknowledges he underestimated the virus in its first few weeks.

In a Jan. 24 story, Dr. William Schaffner told KHN the real danger to Americans was the common flu, which can kill up to 61,000 Americans a year.

“Coronavirus will be a blip on the horizon in comparison,” said Schaffner, a professor of preventive medicine and health policy at Vanderbilt University Medical Center. “The risk is trivial.”

The same day, The Washington Post published a column by Dr. Howard Markel, who questioned China’s lockdown of millions of people. “It’s possible that this coronavirus may not be highly contagious, and it may not be all that deadly,” wrote Markel, director of the Center for the History of Medicine at the University of Michigan.

JAMA, one of the most prestigious medical journals in the world, published a podcast Feb. 18 titled, “The 2020 Influenza Epidemic — More Serious Than Coronavirus in the US.” A week later, JAMA published a large infographic illustrating the dangers of flu and minimizing the risks from the novel virus.

Dr. Paul Offit, who led development of a rotavirus vaccine, predicted that the coronavirus, like most respiratory bugs, would fade in the summer.

“I can’t imagine, frankly, that it would cause even one-tenth of the damage that influenza causes every year in the United States,” Offit told Christiane Amanpour in a March 2 appearance on PBS.

President Donald Trump picked up on many of these remarks, predicting that the coronavirus would disappear by April and that it was no worse than the flu. Trump later said the country was “rounding the turn” on the pandemic, even as the number of deaths exploded to record levels.

Caitlin Rivers, an epidemiologist and assistant professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, worried — and tweeted — about the novel coronavirus from the beginning. But she said public health officials try to balance those fears with the reality that most small outbreaks in other countries typically don’t become global threats.

New sitrep out from Wuhan pneumonia outbreak. 59 cases between 12/12 and 12/29. SARS ruled out, but no other etiology identified. Still no evidence of H2H. https://t.co/b8ZdEGIzyJ

— Caitlin Rivers, PhD (@cmyeaton) January 5, 2020

“If you cry wolf too often, people will never pay attention,” said epidemiologist Mark Wilson, an emeritus professor at the University of Michigan School of Public Health.

Experts were hesitant to predict the novel coronavirus was the big pandemic they had long anticipated “for fear of seeming alarmist,” said Dr. Céline Gounder, an infectious disease specialist advising President-elect Joe Biden.

Many experts fell victim to wishful thinking or denial, said Dr. Nicole Lurie, who served as assistant secretary for preparedness and response during the Obama administration.

“It’s hard to think about the unthinkable,” Lurie said. “For people whose focus and fear was bioterrorism, they had a world view that Mother Nature could never be such a bad actor. If it wasn’t bioterrorism, then it couldn’t be so bad.”

Had more experts realized what was coming, the nation could have been far better prepared. The U.S. could have gotten a head start on manufacturing personal protective equipment, ventilators and other supplies, said Dr. Nicholas Christakis, author of “Apollo’s Arrow: The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way We Live.”

“Why did we waste two months that the Chinese essentially bought for us?” Christakis asked. “We could have gotten billions of dollars into testing. We could have had better public messaging that we were about to be invaded. … But we were not prepared.”

Dr. Fauci Doesn’t Cast Blame

Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease official, isn’t so critical. In an interview, he said there was no way for scientists to predict how dangerous the coronavirus would become, given the limited information available in January.

“I wouldn’t criticize people who said there’s a pretty good chance that it’s going to turn out to be like SARS or MERS,” said Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, noting this was “a reasonable assumption.”

Fauci noted that solutions are always clearer in hindsight, adding that public health authorities lose credibility if they respond to every new germ as if it’s a national disaster. He has repeatedly said scientists need to be humble enough to recognize how little we still don’t know about this new threat.

“It’s so easy to go back with the retrospect-o-scope and say ‘You coulda, shoulda, woulda,’” Fauci said. “You can say we should have shut things down much earlier because of silent spread in the community. But what would the average man or woman on the street have done if we said, ‘You’ve got to close down the country because of three or four cases?’”

Scientists largely have been willing to admit their errors and update their assessments when new data becomes available.

“If you’re going to be wrong, be wrong in front of millions of people,” Offit joked about his PBS interview. “Make a complete ass of yourself.”

Scientists say their response to the novel coronavirus would have been more aggressive if people had realized how easily it spreads, even before infected people develop symptoms — and that many people remain asymptomatic. “For a virus to have pandemic potential, that is one of the greatest assets it can have,” Adalja said.

Although COVID-19 has a lower death rate than SARS and MERS, its ability to spread silently throughout a community makes it more dangerous, said Dr. Kathleen Neuzil, director of the Center for Vaccine Development at the University of Maryland School of Medicine.

People infected with SARS and MERS are contagious only after they begin coughing and experiencing other symptoms; patients without symptoms don’t spread either disease.

With SARS and MERS, “when people got sick, they got sick pretty badly and went right to the hospital and weren’t walking around transmitting it,” Christakis said.

Because it’s possible to quarantine people with SARS and MERS before they begin spreading the virus, “it was easier to put a moat around them,” said Offit.

Based on their knowledge of SARS and MERS, doctors believed they could contain the novel coronavirus by telling sick people to stay home. In the first few months of the pandemic, there appeared to be no need for healthy people to wear masks. That led health officials, including U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams, to admonish Americans not to buy up limited supplies of face masks, which were desperately needed by hospitals.

Seriously people- STOP BUYING MASKS! They are NOT effective in preventing general public from catching #Coronavirus, but if healthcare providers can’t get them to care for sick patients, it puts them and our communities at risk! https://t.co/UxZRwxxKL9

— U.S. Surgeon General (@Surgeon_General) February 29, 2020

“We are always fighting the last epidemic,” Markel said. “Our experiences with coronaviruses was that they kind of burn themselves out in warm weather and they didn’t have the capacity to spread as viciously as this one has.”

Many scientists were skeptical of early anecdotes of pre-symptomatic spread.

“It takes a lot to overturn established dogma,” Wilson said. “Jumping on an initial finding, without corroborating it, can be just as bad as missing a new finding.”

As evidence of pre-symptomatic spread accumulated, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in April changed its advice and urged Americans to mask up in public.

Adalja notes that the CDC’s earlier advice against wearing masks was based on research that found them to be ineffective against spreading influenza. New research, however, has shown masks reduce the transmission of the novel coronavirus, which spreads mainly through respiratory droplets but can travel in the air as tiny particles.

Adalja said the U.S. should have learned from its early stumbles. Yet in spite of abundant evidence, many communities still resist mandating masks or physical distancing.

“I continue to be baffled that we keep making the same mistakes,” Adalja said. “It’s almost like we’re doomed to repeat this cycle endlessly.”

Some Saw It Coming

There were scientists and journalists who immediately recognized the threat from the novel coronavirus.

“We had to immediately react as if this were going to hit every corner of the Earth,” said Adalja, who began blogging about the novel virus Jan. 20. It was clear “this was not a containable virus.”

Adalja led a 2018 project identifying the features that allow emerging viruses to become pandemic. In that prescient report, Adalja and his co-authors highlighted the threat of certain respiratory viruses that use RNA as their genetic material.

The more Adalja learned about the novel coronavirus, the more it seemed to embody the very type of threat he had warned about: one with “efficient human-to-human transmissibility, an appreciable case fatality rate, the absence of an effective or widely available medical countermeasure, an immunologically naïve population, virulence factors enabling immune system evasion, and respiratory mode of spread.”

Although the CDC set the wheels of its response in motion early, establishing an incident management structure on Jan. 7, the agency’s early missteps with testing are well known. The outbreak escalated rapidly, leading the World Health Organization to declare a health emergency on Jan. 30 and the U.S. to announce a public health emergency the next day.

Adalja and other experts dismissed some of the Trump administration’s early responses, such as quarantines and a travel ban on China, as “window dressing” that “squandered resources” and did little to contain the virus.

“There was political inertia about the public health actions that could have avoided lockdowns,” Adalja said. “We let this spill into hospitals … [and] if you give a virus a three-month head start, what do you expect?”

In a Jan. 7 post on a website of the Infectious Diseases Society of America, Dr. Daniel Lucey labeled the pneumonia “Disease X,” using the WHO’s term for an emerging pathogen capable of causing a devastating epidemic, for which there are no tests, treatments or vaccines.

Lucey, adjunct professor of infectious diseases at Georgetown University Medical Center, notes that the international response was hampered by misinformation from Chinese officials. “The Chinese government said there was no person-to-person spread,” said Lucey, who traveled to China hoping to visit Wuhan. “That was a lie.”

When China revealed on Jan. 20 that 14 health workers had been infected, Lucey knew the virus would spread much farther. “To me, that was like Pandora’s box,” Lucey said. “I knew there would be more.”

When the number of infected health workers grew to 1,716 on Feb. 14, Lucey said, “I almost threw up.”

Although his blog is read by thousands of infectious disease specialists, Lucey emailed a special warning to journalists and a dozen doctors and public health officials, hoping to alert influential leaders.

“I put this heartfelt commentary in my email and just got silence,” Lucey said.

Succeeding With Vaccines

At the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, scientists had studied the protein structure of coronaviruses for years.

Researchers had developed a vaccine against SARS, Fauci said, although the epidemic ended before researchers could widely test it in humans.

“We showed it was safe and induced an immune response,” Fauci said. “The cases of SARS disappeared, so we couldn’t test it. … We put the vaccine in cold storage. If SARS comes back, we will do a phase 3 [clinical] trial.”

Dr. Barney Graham, deputy director of the Vaccine Research Center, asked Chinese scientists to share the coronavirus’s genetic information. After the genome was published, Graham went immediately to work.

“We jumped all over it,” Fauci said. “We had a meeting on Jan. 10 and five days later they started [working on] a vaccine.”

Although scientists knew the COVID outbreak might end before a vaccine was needed, “we couldn’t take the chance,” Fauci said.

“We said, ‘We have no idea what is going to happen, so why don’t we just go ahead and proceed with a vaccine anyway?’”

Although his team worried about finding the money to pay for it all, Fauci told them, “‘Don’t worry about the money. I’ll find it, you do it, if we really need it, I’m sure we’ll get it.’”

Health experts hope the U.S. will learn from its mistakes and be better prepared for the next threat.

Given how many novel viruses have emerged in the past two decades, it’s likely that “pandemics are going to become more frequent,” Gounder said, making it critical to be ready for the next one.

Of all the lessons learned during the pandemic, the most important is that “we can’t be this unprepared again,” said Dr. Tom Frieden, who directed the CDC during the Obama administration.

“To me, this should be the most teachable moment of our lifetime, in terms of the need to strengthen public health in the United States and globally,” Frieden said.

But Gounder notes that U.S. public health funding tends to follow a cycle of crisis and neglect. The U.S. increased spending on public health and emergency preparedness after the 9/11 and anthrax attacks in 2001, but that funding has declined sharply over the years.

“We tend to invest a lot in that moment of crisis,” Gounder said. “When the crisis fades, we cut the budget. That leads us to be really vulnerable.”

This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).