Employers Press Congress for Health Price Transparency Before Trump’s Return

It seems simple: Require hospitals and insurers to post their negotiated prices for most health care services and — bingo — competition follows, yielding lower costs for consumers.

But nearly four years after the first Trump administration’s regulations forced hospitals to post massive amounts of pricing information online, the effect on patients’ costs is unclear. And while President Joe Biden added requirements to make pricing information more user-friendly, Donald Trump’s imminent return to the White House has raised questions about what’s next, even though posting prices is an area of rare bipartisan agreement.

The uncertainty of what might happen next led some proponents to lobby Congress to include hospital and insurer price transparency in must-pass legislation before Trump takes office. That would turn both his and Biden’s regulations into law, making them less susceptible to being weakened or repealed by a future administration. But that effort failed.

The legislative step could also help protect against legal challenges in the wake of a Supreme Court decision that limited government agencies’ regulatory authority.

Employers are using transparency data to try to slow growth of their health care costs, and “the last thing you want to do is start over,” said James Gelfand, president and CEO of the ERISA Industry Committee, which represents large employers who finance their own health plans. His group is among the organizations pressing Congress to act.

“Congress’ failure to act is deeply disappointing, but employers and other advocates will redouble our efforts,” Gelfand said. “This will get done.”

While there are reports that many hospitals are not fully complying, federal regulators have sent thousands of warning letters to hospitals and fined just over a dozen.

The transparency rules require hospitals to list the prices they accept from all insurers for thousands of items and services, from stitches to delivery room costs to X-rays. For consumers, hospitals must also provide a list of 300 “shoppable” services, including bundled prices accepted for common services such as having a baby or getting a hip replacement. Insurers in July 2022 were similarly required to list their negotiated prices, not only for care at hospitals, but also surgery centers, imaging facilities, laboratories, and doctors’ offices.

It’s a massive and often confusing amount of data that has drawn interest from researchers and commercial outlets like Turquoise Health, which has sought to organize the information to better help ordinary consumers shopping for medical services or employers overseeing workers’ health plans.

The data shows a huge variation in prices, both in what hospitals charge and what insurers pay, for the same services. But the result of making those prices public is so far hard to quantify.

A recent study by Turquoise looked at negotiated rates in the nation’s 10 largest metro areas for a set of common health care services. It found that rates in the top quarter tier — the most expensive category — declined by 6.3% from December 2021 to June 2024, during the time the transparency rules were in place. But negotiated rates for the lowest-cost tier of services rose by 3.4%.

That may indicate hospitals and insurers — who can now see what rivals are charging and paying — have either cut prices or demanded better rates, at least for the costliest services.

Even so, Gerard Anderson, who oversees research into the data as a professor at the Bloomberg School of Public Health at Johns Hopkins University, said the changes Turquoise noted were small and are not reflective of what his team has seen in their own studies.

“So far we have not detected any impact of this data on behavior, of where insurers decide to go or what hospitals do to change prices once they realize what others are charging,” Anderson said.

Some health policy experts think it’s unlikely the incoming Trump administration would reverse its prior commitment to price transparency.

“I don’t see a world where he tanks his own regulations,” said Joe Wisniewski, an associate vice president at Turquoise Health. “There is also so much broad bipartisan support on the Hill.”

The current price-posting rules began with requirements in the Affordable Care Act, which the initial Trump administration more fully defined. The hospital industry failed in a legal challenge to block those rules, and the Trump-era requirements became effective in January 2021.

But even after the Biden administration made the data more user-friendly, it’s still not very helpful to consumers, Anderson said.

“This data is not telling them the price they will pay. It’s telling them the average price people paid last month or last quarter for a similar type of service,” he said.

More useful, Anderson and other experts say, are requirements in the price transparency rules that demand insurers offer online calculators for hundreds of nonemergency services. The detailed cost estimates must take into account how much patients have paid toward annual deductibles.

For uninsured consumers or others who don’t have access to online calculators, it remains difficult to piece together how much a service might cost from the information hospitals post online. For one thing, not every hospital has posted its negotiated rates.

The Department of Health and Human Services’ inspector general said in November an audit of 100 hospitals found that 63 complied with the price transparency rule, while the rest failed to meet one or more requirements.

The advocacy group Patient Rights Advocate, which looked at a sample of 2,000 hospitals, says that only 21% were fully compliant, although it used broader measures for compliance than the inspector general.

“By keeping their prices hidden, hospitals continue to block American consumers from their right to compare prices and protect themselves from overcharges,” said Cynthia Fisher, founder and chairman of the group, which has called for stricter rules and enforcement.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

KFF Health News’ ‘What the Health?’: End-of-Year Chaos on Capitol Hill

The Host

After weeks of painstaking negotiations, Democrats and Republicans in the House and Senate agreed to a major year-end package of health bills, including new regulations for drug companies and pharmacy benefit managers, and renewals of programs to combat opioid abuse and prepare for the next possible pandemic. But the effort could be all for naught, as President-elect Donald Trump and his government-cutting adviser, Elon Musk, complained it gave Democrats too much of what they wanted and threatened Republicans who might vote for it with challenges in upcoming primary elections.

Meanwhile, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton sued a doctor in New York for prescribing abortion pills via telemedicine to a patient in Texas, in the first major test of whether “shield laws” — intended to protect doctors in states like New York where abortion remains legal — can protect against other states’ enforcement efforts.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Jessie Hellmann of CQ Roll Call, Victoria Knight of Axios, and Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • Congress looked to be on the cusp of passing its government spending bills this week, then Trump spoke out. The package featured robust, bipartisan policies — including things that Trump himself has endorsed, such as reforming the pharmacy benefit manager system. Now, it’s not only those policies, plus key extensions on the Medicare telehealth program, opioids, and more, that Trump has undermined: A government shutdown could also furlough the federal employees helping his team transition ahead of his inauguration next month.
  • Meanwhile, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has been making the rounds on Capitol Hill to gain support for his confirmation to lead the Department of Health and Human Services. And many senators seem surprisingly supportive of his bid. Some are leaning on shared goals such as limiting ultraprocessed foods. In general, Republican senators do not seem too concerned about RFK Jr.’s nomination — despite a track record of opposing scientific consensus on vaccines and supporting abortion rights.
  • New government data shows health care spending is up. The recent fatal shooting of an insurance executive has triggered a backlash against the insurance industry, yet the data shows costs are going up due to higher utilization — not necessarily because of factors within insurers’ control. Bottom line: In a system of constant finger-pointing, insurers have earned ire for questionable coverage decisions and lack of transparency — but they’re not the main, or only, culprits of high costs and access problems.
  • And, in reproductive health news, the attorney general of Texas is suing a New York doctor for prescribing the abortion pill to a patient in Texas. New York, like other more Democratic states, has a shield law protecting providers, yet this case will be the first test of such a law.

Also this week, Rovner interviews KFF President and CEO Drew Altman about what happened in health policy in 2024 and what to expect in 2025.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: Vox.com’s “The Deep Roots of Americans’ Hatred of Their Health Care System,” by Dylan Scott.

Alice Miranda Ollstein: KFF Health News’ “Native American Patients Are Sent to Collections for Debts the Government Owes,” by Katheryn Houghton and Arielle Zionts.

Jessie Hellmann: KFF Health News’ “How a Duty To Spend Wisely on Worker Benefits Could Loosen PBMs’ Grip on Drug Prices,” by Arthur Allen.

Victoria Knight: Bloomberg News’ “The Weight-Loss Drug Gold Rush Has a Dangerous Prescription Problem,” by Madison Muller.

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:


To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KFF Health News’ “What the Health?” on SpotifyApple PodcastsPocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

He Went in for a Colonoscopy. The Hospital Charged $19,000 for Two.

Tom Contos is an avid runner. When he started experiencing rectal bleeding in March, he thought exercise could be the cause and tried to ignore it. But he became increasingly worried when the bleeding continued for weeks.

The Chicago health care consultant contacted his physician at Northwestern Medicine, who referred him for a diagnostic colonoscopy, at least partly because Contos, 45, has a family history of colon issues.

“I work out a lot,” he said. “But my partner said this isn’t normal. My primary care physician said, ‘Given your family history, let’s get you in.’”

Northwestern Memorial Hospital asked him to prepay $1,000 out-of-pocket, and he underwent the procedure in June.

Then the bill came.

The Medical Procedure

Colonoscopies are performed in the United States more than 15 million times a year. Rates of colorectal cancer are on the rise, particularly among younger people.

The procedure, which is also a recommended screening for people 45 or older, involves examining the large intestine using a tube with a video camera that can also collect tissue samples.

It typically takes less than one hour, with another hour spent taking the patient’s history, administering anesthesia, and monitoring their recovery, said Glenn Littenberg, a physician who recently chaired the reimbursement committee of the American Society of Gastrointestinal Endoscopy.

According to Contos’ medical record, the gastroenterologist who performed his colonoscopy described it as “not difficult.” He biopsied and removed small growths called polyps from two spots and identified large internal hemorrhoids, which are swollen veins.

The biopsy samples were sent to pathology for testing and found to be precancerous. But the gastroenterologist reported finding no evidence of cancer, and after reviewing the pathology report, he concluded hemorrhoids were the likely cause of the bleeding.

The Final Bill

The hospital charged a total of $19,206 for the procedure, including physician fees. The insurer negotiated the price to $5,816 and paid $1,979, leaving a patient share of $4,047. (It wasn’t clear why the payments added up to slightly more than the negotiated price.) After Contos had paid $1,000 up front, plus $1,381 right after the procedure, the hospital said he still owed $1,666.

The Billing Problem: Colonoscopies That Find Polyps Cost More

Contos was shocked and angry when he received his itemized bill. “I said, ‘I don’t understand this.’ Then I started to research the cost.”

He asked the hospital what it charges for a diagnostic colonoscopy and was told he’d been sent a cost estimate through his online patient portal prior to the procedure.

The estimate, which took his deductible of $3,200 into account, listed a total price of $7,203, with an out-of-pocket bill of $2,381. He asked Northwestern why the charges were nearly three times the estimate and why his out-of-pocket share was nearly twice as high.

One big reason was revealed in an explanation of benefits (EOB) statement from Contos’ insurance company, Aetna: Northwestern had charged for two colonoscopies, at $5,466 each. And there were two fees for the gastroenterologist — $1,535 and $1,291.

The first procedure was listed as “colonoscopy and biopsy,” while the second was listed as “colonoscopy w/lesion removal.” Aetna’s negotiated member rate reduced the first $5,466 hospital charge to $3,425, while the charge for the second procedure was lowered to $1,787 — $1,638 less.

Neither the bill nor the EOB explained why there was a second procedure listed, at a reduced price.

After examining Contos’ bill, Littenberg said it’s standard for providers to bill for two colonoscopies if they remove two or more polyps in different ways, because of the extra work. As in this case, hospitals typically use a modifier code that reduces the amount charged for the second billed colonoscopy so they charge only for the extra work, he added.

“How do you explain that in sensible terms that anyone could understand?” Littenberg said.

Even with that reduction, Littenberg said, he thought Contos’ total out-of-pocket cost of $4,047 was “a lot, though not rare for large academic centers.”

A man sits at a table near a window. A poinsettia plant, laptop, and notebook with pen rest on the table in front of him.
Contos paid a fee up front, then made another payment after his procedure. He was shocked and angry when he got his itemized bill showing he still owed more.(Taylor Glascock for KFF Heath News)

Contos’ insurance documents show Aetna’s negotiated rate for his colonoscopy at Northwestern was more than twice the insurer’s median negotiated rate for the same procedure at other Chicago-area hospitals, according to Forrest Xiao, director of quantitative research at Turquoise Health, a company that gathers health care price data.

In exchanges with Northwestern and Aetna representatives, Contos asked why he was charged for two colonoscopies. A Northwestern representative said that because of the modifier code, he wasn’t actually being billed for two procedures, which Contos found bewildering.

“I told Northwestern, ‘I’m not paying that, and I don’t care if you send me to collections,’” he said. He filed appeals with the hospital and Aetna but was ultimately told the billing was correct.

The Resolution

In an email, Contos told the billing department that its charge was “ridiculously high.” A representative responded that Northwestern’s pricing is in line with other academic medical centers in Chicago and “non-negotiable” — and that his account would be turned over to a collections agency.

CVS Health spokesperson Phillip Blando said in a written statement to KFF Health News that the claims for Contos were “paid accurately” by Aetna, declining further comment. (CVS Health owns Aetna.)

Northwestern did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Contos said he wrote to his physician that he was regretfully dropping him and leaving Northwestern entirely because of the health system’s high pricing.

He said he’s still experiencing periodic symptoms, which he relieves with over-the-counter Preparation H. A one-ounce tube of the ointment costs $10.99 at CVS.

The Takeaway

To get a colonoscopy at a lower price, Littenberg said, patients should consider going to a freestanding endoscopy center or ambulatory surgery center not associated with a hospital. A 2023 study found that ambulatory surgery centers billed insurers an average of about $1,030 for a colonoscopy with biopsy or with removal of a polyp, compared with $1,760 at a hospital.

To get a sense of how much a diagnostic colonoscopy could cost, patients can consult a hospital’s price website and an insurer’s cost-estimator website, both required by federal price transparency rules.

Patients also can look up a good-faith estimate of the cash price, which can be lower than the price for patients using insurance to pay for a procedure. In addition, they can check prices through websites such as Turquoise Health and Fair Health, which draw from federal price transparency data or claims data from insurers.

Still, the actual cost could be higher than the estimate if the colonoscopy finds one or more polyps that need to be removed and biopsied, which occurs in at least 40% of all colonoscopies, Littenberg said. Patients should ask whether the price includes those potentially extra services. After all, the point of a diagnostic colonoscopy is to find and, if necessary, treat lesions that could cause problems — regardless of the number found.

It all should be easier for patients, Xiao said: “You shouldn’t have to be a medical billing expert to know what you’re going to pay.”

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by KFF Health News and The Washington Post’s Well+Being that dissects and explains medical bills. Since 2018, this series has helped many patients and readers get their medical bills reduced, and it has been cited in statehouses, at the U.S. Capitol, and at the White House. Do you have a confusing or outrageous medical bill you want to share? Tell us about it!

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Obamacare Sign-Ups Lag After Trump Election, Legal Challenges

New enrollments under the Affordable Care Act are on pace to trail last year’s record numbers by as many as a million as the outgoing Biden administration confronts upheavals in the program.

Donald Trump’s election to a second term has cast uncertainty around the future of the health law. In addition, the Biden administration implemented cumbersome policies to reduce fraudulent enrollment and is combating a lawsuit that aims to block immigrants who lack legal residency from buying insurance under the program.

So far, the number of new and returning enrollees using healthcare.gov — the federal marketplace that serves 31 states — is below last year’s. New enrollments were just over 730,000 in early December, compared with 1.5 million at the same time last year.

To give consumers in federal marketplace states more time to enroll, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services extended to Dec. 18 the deadline to sign up for coverage that starts Jan. 1. (The Jan. 15 deadline is for coverage that would begin Feb. 1.)

Also in flux is a rule issued by the Biden administration allowing — for the first time — enrollment in ACA coverage by people brought to the U.S. as children without immigration paperwork, known as “Dreamers.”

The Biden team was granted a temporary stay on Dec. 16 by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 8th Circuit regarding a Dec. 9 order by a federal judge in North Dakota. That district court judge had ruled in favor of 19 states that sought to block the Biden administration’s Dreamers directive. Without a stay, the decision in that case, Kansas v. the United States, effectively bars those who have qualified for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program in the 19 states from enrolling in or getting subsidies for ACA plans. It does not appear to affect enrollment or coverage in other states, lawyers following the case have said.

A final decision on the temporary stay was expected any day now. If granted, it could allow Dreamers to continue enrolling while the government’s appeal of the district court ruling is heard, which is unlikely to occur before Trump takes office.

In its court filings, the Biden administration argues that not granting a stay would be very disruptive in the middle of open enrollment, causing the federal government to incur costs in retooling its marketplace to reflect the change, and notifying those who have already enrolled that their plans are canceled.

The original case was filed in August in the U.S. District Court for the District of North Dakota and is being heard by District Judge Daniel Traynor, who was nominated in 2019 by then-President Trump.

Previously, the federal government estimated that about 100,000 uninsured people out of a half-million DACA recipients might sign up for 2025 coverage. In its new filing, the government says 2,700 have enrolled in those states that brought the suit and use the federal marketplace. 

The Biden administration rule, finalized in May, clarified that those who qualify for DACA would be considered “lawfully present” for the purposes of enrolling in plans under the ACA, which are open to citizens and those who are called “lawfully present” immigrants.

The federal lawyers argue that North Dakota has not proved it would be harmed by the rule, so it has no standing to bring the case. North Dakota argued that it incurs costs for approximately 130 DACA recipients who live in its state, and that it would not have those expenses if they were barred from enrolling in the ACA and thus decided to leave the country. An exodus is unlikely, the federal government argued. The legal brief also questioned North Dakota’s calculation that it incurs costs of $585 to issue driver’s licenses to the DACA recipients and about $14,000 annually to educate at least one DACA member or dependent.

All the states challenging the ACA rule say it will cause administrative and resource burdens as more people enroll, and that it will encourage additional people to remain in the U.S. when they don’t have permanent legal authorization. The plaintiff states are Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia.

Elección de Trump y desafíos legales retrasan las inscripciones en el Obamacare

Las nuevas inscripciones bajo la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA) parecen ser hasta un millón menos que el  número récord del año pasado, especialmente por problemas con el programa que enfrenta la saliente administración Biden.

La reelección de Donald Trump para un segundo mandato ha generado incertidumbre sobre el futuro de la ley de salud. Además, el gobierno implementó normas complejas para reducir las inscripciones fraudulentas y está combatiendo una demanda que busca evitar que un grupo de inmigrantes sin residencia legal adquieran cobertura en los mercados de seguros de salud.

Hasta ahora, el número de nuevos inscritos y reinscritos que utilizan cuidadodesalud.gov, el sitio del mercado federal que usan 31 estados, está por debajo del año pasado. A principios de diciembre, las nuevas inscripciones apenas superaban las 730,000, en comparación con 1.5 millones en el mismo período de 2023.

Para dar más tiempo a los consumidores de los estados del mercado federal para inscribirse, los Centros de Servicios de Medicare y Medicaid (CMS) extendieron hasta el 18 de diciembre el plazo para adquirir cobertura que comienza el 1 de enero. (El plazo del 15 de enero es para la que comenzaría el 1 de febrero).

También está en juego una regla emitida por la administración Biden que permite, por primera vez, que los Dreamers, las personas traídas al país de niños sin papeles, puedan inscribirse en los mercados y obtener subsidios.

El 9 de diciembre, un juez federal de Dakota del Norte falló a favor de 19 estados que buscaban bloquear esta directiva de la administración Biden.

El 16, el equipo de Biden obtuvo una suspensión temporal, pero el destino de esta opción todavía está por verse.

De prevalecer, la decisión en este caso, Kansas vs Estados Unidos, efectivamente prohíbiría a quienes han calificado para el programa de Acción Diferida para los Llegados en la Infancia (DACA) inscribirse o recibir subsidios para los planes de ACA en los 19 estados. Según los abogados que siguen el caso, no parece afectar la inscripción o la cobertura en otros estados.

Se espera una decisión final sobre la suspensión temporal en cualquier momento. Si se concede, podría permitir que los Dreamers sigan inscribiéndose mientras se escucha la apelación del gobierno a la decisión del tribunal de distrito, lo cual es poco probable que ocurra antes de que Trump asuma el cargo.

En sus documentos judiciales, la administración Biden argumenta que no conceder una suspensión sería muy disruptivo en medio del período de inscripción abierta, lo que causaría que el gobierno federal incurra en costos para reajustar su mercado para reflejar el cambio y notificar a aquellos que ya se han inscrito que sus planes han sido cancelados.

El caso original fue presentado en agosto en el Tribunal de Distrito de los Estados Unidos para el Distrito de Dakota del Norte y está siendo escuchado por el juez de distrito Daniel Traynor, nominado en 2019 por el entonces presidente Trump.

Previamente, el gobierno federal estimó que alrededor de 100,000 personas sin seguro de un total de medio millón de beneficiarios de DACA podrían inscribirse para tener cobertura de 2025. En su nuevo escrito, el gobierno dice que 2,700 se han inscrito en los estados que presentaron la demanda y que usan el mercado federal.

La regla de la administración Biden, finalizada en mayo, aclaró que quienes califican para DACA serían considerados “legalmente presentes” para los propósitos de inscribirse en planes bajo ACA, los cuales están abiertos a ciudadanos y aquellos denominados inmigrantes “legalmente presentes”.

Los abogados federales argumentan que Dakota del Norte no ha demostrado que sería perjudicado por la regla, por lo que no tiene legitimidad para presentar el caso. El estado argumentó que incurre en costos para aproximadamente 130 beneficiarios de DACA que viven allí, y que no tendría esos gastos si se les prohibiera inscribirse en ACA y, por lo tanto, decidieran abandonar el país.

Por su parte, el gobierno federal argumentó que un éxodo es poco probable. El escrito legal también cuestionó el cálculo de Dakota del Norte de que incurre en costos de $585 para emitir licencias de conducir a los beneficiarios de DACA y alrededor de $14,000 anuales para educar al menos a un miembro o dependiente de DACA.

Todos los estados que impugnan esta regla argumentan que causará cargas administrativas y económicas a medida que más individuos se inscriban, y que alentará a más personas a permanecer en Estados Unidos sin documentos.

Los estados demandantes son: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, Dakota del Norte, Ohio, Carolina del Sur, Dakota del Sur, Tennessee, Texas y Virginia.

Esta historia fue producida por KFF Health News, conocido antes como Kaiser Health News (KHN), una redacción nacional que produce periodismo en profundidad sobre temas de salud y es uno de los principales programas operativos de KFF, la fuente independiente de investigación de políticas de salud, encuestas y periodismo. 

New Colorado Gun Law Aims To Shore Up Victim Services

Colorado’s new voter-approved gun initiative has a target unlike those of previous measures meant to reduce gun violence. The tax on guns and ammunition is meant to generate revenue to support cash-strapped victim services, and it’s an open question whether it will affect firearms sales.

The 6.5% tax on manufacturers and sellers — including pawnbrokers — of guns, gun parts, and ammunition will generate an estimated $39 million a year. The money is aimed primarily at crime victim services, including groups that help victims of domestic violence. Some of it is earmarked for behavioral and mental health for veterans and youth, and a sliver will support school security.

Firearm deaths have been rising in Colorado since at least 2006, growing more quickly than the state’s population, and with a notable bump in homicides early in the covid pandemic, which prompted a national gun-buying spree. The tax could have public health effects beyond generating money for social services, researchers said. But they don’t know for sure because only one other state, California, has a gun-and-ammo tax — an 11% tax that has been in effect only since July.

Emmy Betz directs the Firearm Injury Prevention Initiative at the University of Colorado School of Medicine and wonders if the tax will change consumer behavior. “The question is whether that will change gun sales or not,” she said.

A federal tax has been levied on gun manufacturers for more than a century — currently at 10% for pistols/revolvers and 11% for other kinds of firearms, plus cartridges and shells.

Colorado state Rep. and Majority Leader Monica Duran, a Democrat, co-sponsored the new law, scheduled to take effect in April. Voters approved it in November as Proposition KK. The connection between firearms and domestic violence is stark: Nationally, every month an average of 57 women are killed by an intimate partner using a gun. Researchers have also found that 59% of mass shootings between 2014 and 2019 in the United States were related to domestic violence.

Support groups for victims of domestic violence and other crimes receive funding through the 1984 federal Victims of Crime Act. Those dollars mostly come from fines and penalties from convicted federal criminals and fluctuate annually depending on what cases the Department of Justice pursues. Federal prosecutions and fines have dropped, so the state’s pot of money has shrunk from nearly $57 million in 2018, when Duran was first elected, to about $14 million in 2024 — a 76% drop.

But the need for victim support services has grown, said Duran, who is a gun owner and a survivor of domestic violence who used such services to escape homelessness.

Colorado’s new tax is what economists call a “Pigouvian” tax, which seeks to compensate financially for the societal toll or damage a product causes. For example, people who drive cars pay a tax on gas, which goes toward repairing roads.

“It’s not because you’re a bad driver that we’re taxing gasoline. It’s because we need this money to be able to improve our infrastructure in ways that allow people to continue to use that product,” said Rosanna Smart, an economist who co-directs the Rand Gun Policy in America initiative.

She said Colorado’s gun tax is similar: It supports the social infrastructure that’s required in a society with firearms.

In 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that people can carry a gun outside their homes for self-defense. Smart said the decision made it harder to pass laws restricting gun possession and highlighted the importance of historical precedent. Both the California and Colorado tax laws cite taxes passed by eight states and then-independent Hawaii between 1844 and 1926.

The actual effect of the Colorado and California laws won’t be known for some time. But should other states pursue similar policies, researchers think focusing taxes on specific weapons or places might be more effective at reducing harm, rather than simply generating revenue.

Smart, for example, found that if the goal is to reduce harm, a more optimal design would be to follow the lead of alcohol policies and have varying tax levels based on an item’s likelihood to cause harm.

Adam Rosenberg, a doctoral candidate in economics at Stanford University, found doing so at the national level, by rejiggering the federal tax to be 13.3% on handguns and nothing on long guns, would prevent deaths while holding industry profits steady.

The Colorado tax applies to firearms dealers, manufacturers, and ammunition vendors that make at least $20,000 a year (excluding sales to law enforcement or active-duty military). Neither state officials nor lawmakers nor industry groups could confirm what fraction of firearm businesses that represents. According to data from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, about 2,200 firearms dealers or pawnbrokers and manufacturers of ammunition/firearms operate in the state. Ammunition sellers aren’t tallied in that figure.

Some firearms businesses worry the tax will drive people across state lines to purchase guns.

“We’ve already got people saying, ‘Well, we can run over to Utah or Wyoming instead,’” said Frank Sadvar of Northwest Outfitters, a gun store and pawn shop in Craig. The city is a 40-minute drive to Wyoming and 1½ hours to Utah.

“The way it was worded on the ballots, it looked really good,” he said. But Sadvar suspects the revenue will fall short of the $39 million estimated because supporters didn’t factor in sales lost to other states.

In Cortez, which is a half-hour drive from New Mexico, Jesse Fine said he’s heard people say they’d rather drive there to buy a gun than pay the tax in Colorado — even though they’d face a seven-day waiting period there.

Fine, who manages Goods for the Woods, an outdoor gear shop carrying a range of firearms and hunting equipment, said he believes the tax discriminates against gun owners who are exercising their civil rights.

“It makes it hard for a mom-and-pop shop to stay in play,” he said. “We’re going to take the biggest hit because we’re not a big corporation.”

Victim services organizations said they will be in a tight spot financially until the new tax’s revenue starts to fully flow in 2026.

Courtney Sutton, public policy director of the Colorado Organization for Victim Assistance, said most victim service agencies in the state, many of which are members of COVA, “heavily, heavily rely on” the federal funds that have been ballooning up and down.

“We did get $6 million from the state budget, but that’s not very much across 215 programs,” she said, referencing the state’s four victim services coalitions.

The new tax is estimated to bring in $30 million a year to such groups.

Rocky Mountain Victim Law Center executive director Emily Tofte Nestaval said she hopes the new tax revenue will help the center restart a program for people sorting out protection orders, housing issues, and name changes, among other things. Nestaval said that, for now, crime victims in Colorado are on their own.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

How a Duty To Spend Wisely on Worker Benefits Could Loosen PBMs’ Grip on Drug Prices

Ann Lewandowski knows all about pharmacy benefit managers, or PBMs, the companies that shape the U.S. drug market. Her job, as a policy advocate at drugmaker Johnson & Johnson, was to tell patient and physician groups about the PBMs’ role in high drug prices.

Armed with that knowledge, Lewandowski filed a potentially groundbreaking lawsuit in February. Rather than targeting the PBMs, however, she went after a big company that uses one — her own employer, Johnson & Johnson.

Lewandowski charges in her lawsuit that by contracting with the PBM Express Scripts, which is part of the insurance giant Cigna, Johnson & Johnson — which fired her in April — failed in its duty to ensure reasonable drug prices for its more than 50,000 U.S. employees.

By choosing an Express Scripts plan, she charged, J&J cost employees “millions of dollars in the form of higher payments for prescription drugs, higher premiums, higher deductibles, higher coinsurance, higher copays, and lower wages or limited wage growth.”

Lewandowski, 40, from outside Madison, Wisconsin, relies on an expensive multiple sclerosis drug. She brought the lawsuit, she said, because she “had trouble aligning the policy positions” she reported on as a J&J employee “with the actions I experienced as a health plan user.”

In recent years, the opaque business practices of PBMs have drawn fire. The Federal Trade Commission is conducting a lengthy investigation of the three biggest companies and sued them in September, accusing the firms of driving up insulin prices. Bipartisan bills in Congress would rein them in. And businesses such as Mark Cuban’s Cost Plus Drugs and smaller, “transparent PBMs” have tried to wean pharmaceutical companies and health plans from their reliance on the big PBMs.

But Lewandowski’s lawsuit goes to a sensitive spot that had been overlooked until recently: language in the 2021 appropriations bill that revised the 1974 Employee Retirement Income Security Act, known as ERISA. The original law focused on stopping fraudulent retirement plans.

Her lawsuit is based on congressional language specifying that the law’s requirement of prudent management covers health as well as retirement benefits. By providing workers with a health plan, employers aren’t “doing you a favor. They are holding your money and investing it in your health,” said Barak Richman, a George Washington University health law professor.

In July, a similar lawsuit was filed against Wells Fargo, and more suits are in the works.

PBMs demand discounts and rebates from drugmakers, which leads the manufacturers to charge higher list prices, which can drive up the price patients pay at the pharmacy. At the same time, retail pharmacies say PBMs are driving them out of business by paying them less than what the PBMs charge health plans — a practice known as spread pricing. Patients typically have no idea what they’ll pay for a drug, and neither do their employers, because many PBMs’ contracts contain nondisclosure clauses.

Dissatisfaction with the status quo and fear of liability are pushing employers to switch from the “Big Three” PBMs to “transparent PBMs,” which don’t shroud their pricing and drug choice decisions.

“We brought on nine Fortune 500s this year, 1.2 million patients,” said AJ Loiacono, CEO of New York City-based Capital Rx, a PBM founded in 2017. According to a recent survey, as many as half of U.S. employers are considering switching.

Cuban, in an interview with KFF Health News, said he has told hundreds of Fortune 500 executives, in one-on-one meetings and in groups, that they are overpaying on drug benefit plans skewed to fatten the wallets of big PBMs.

“You’re getting ripped off,” Cuban said he tells them. “You don’t really understand the elements, and that’s costing you money and costing you wellness. And now you are going to get sued. It’s not a question of if but a question of when.”

Pressuring a Purchasing Cartel

The billionaire, who launched Mark Cuban Cost Plus Drugs in 2022 to upend the byzantine $500 billion U.S. drug market, is convinced that the Lewandowski suit and others will end the dominance of the big PBMs, which control 80% of the business.

Cost Plus Drugs charges a straight 15% markup with small processing fees for the 2,500 drugs it sells, most of them generics, said co-founder Alex Oshmyansky. Its nearly 3 million customers — individuals, health plans, and transparent PBMs — appear to be saving money in many cases.

The big PBMs say their buying power and exclusive access to information enable them to save money for insurers, employers, and patients. Critics say they are skimming up to 25% from the drug market, perhaps $100 billion a year, according to Oshmyansky. The opaque strategies and conflicts of interest, critics say, often result in the poorest, sickest patients paying the most for medications.

The three PBMs amount to a “purchasing cartel,” Oshmyansky said in an interview at Cost Plus’ Dallas headquarters, once the office of broadcast.com, the internet radio company that made Cuban his first billion dollars when he sold it to Yahoo in 1999. “They buy all the drugs, they jack up the prices, and then they resell them.”

Richman and Amy Monahan of the University of Minnesota argued in a journal article this year that the Department of Labor, which has previously focused its ERISA oversight on retirement benefits, should issue standards for the use of health care dollars under the law.

When companies “enter into dumb contracts with insurers or PBMs, arguably they are in violation of ERISA,” Richman said. “Taking the law seriously would really require employers, who are spending half the health care dollars in the country, to spend that money in very different ways.”

Some drug market experts, however, doubt the ERISA lawsuits will succeed. Complex PBM money channels “make it hard to build a case,” said Stacie Dusetzina, a professor of health policy at Vanderbilt University School of Medicine. “You might think your company is overpaying, but relative to what?”

The ERISA Industry Committee, which lobbies Congress for some of the biggest U.S. companies, is asking Congress to give PBMs the specific duty to represent their clients’ financial interests, said Melissa Bartlett, the group’s senior vice president for health policy. That could require patients to sue the PBMs rather than their employers.

A few big employers are already changing their drug plans.

In 2019, Connecticut became CVS’ first PBM customer to negotiate a transparent fee structure. Its contract required 100% of drug rebates be passed along to the state and eliminated spread pricing.

The state decided to go further when it sought a new contract for its 214,000 employees this year, said Joshua Wojcik, director of health policy and benefits in the state comptroller’s office. Instead of discounts and rebates, it demanded the lowest net cost per employee.

Of the three big PBMs, only CVS bid on the contract. It edged out a few “transparent PBMs” — a sign, in Wojcik’s view, that CVS at least doesn’t want to be left out as more customers ditch the current PBM business model.

With the change, Wojcik estimates the state will save up to $70 million a year.

$13.40 vs. $2,500

Changing drug benefit policies at big companies takes time, said Oshmyansky of Cost Plus. Their PBM contracts last three to five years, so “you have to capture them in that one year where they are evaluating other options,” he said. PBMs pay benefit plan consultants and the brokers big companies hire to steer business their way.

“We have this weird structure where multiple sclerosis, cancer patients subsidize everybody else’s drugs,” Oshmyansky said. Instead of creating a pool that spreads costs to everyone with insurance, there’s a “disproportionate burden placed on the sickest members.”

Cost Plus generates the biggest savings for its customers on about 50 extraordinarily high-priced generic drugs. The poster child is imatinib, a generic cancer pill that Cost Plus sells for $13.40 for a 30-day supply, compared with the $2,500 it retails for at pharmacies. A study conducted by Dusetzina and colleagues found Medicare could save $662 million a year just by buying imatinib and six other generic cancer drugs from Cost Plus rather than through a big PBM.

Ironically, though, most generic drugs are cheaper in the U.S. than in Europe or Canada — so cheap, in fact, that they fall into shortages as companies get out of the business or stop making needed improvements to their production lines.

In response, Cost Plus has started a compounding pharmacy to make common generics and soon hopes to have a sort of “private reserve” of 70 to 80 products that it can make on short notice if they go into shortage, Oshmyansky said.

While the company hasn’t yet set up purchase agreements for most brand-name drugs, Oshmyansky and Cuban are hopeful. Drugmakers, through their trade group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, have lobbied fiercely to rein in PBMs in the past two years.

At a Sept. 24 hearing at which Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) grilled Novo Nordisk CEO Lars Fruergaard Jørgensen over high prices for diabetes and weight loss drugs Ozempic and Wegovy, the executive expressed support for a more transparent pricing model.

“On average for our products we give 74% in rebates to PBMs” for every $1 the company charges, he said. If, instead, “we simply paid the PBMs a small fee for the limited risk and contribution they make, I think patients would be significantly better off.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Rage Has Long Shadowed American Health Care. It’s Rarely Produced Big Change.

Among the biggest-grossing films in America in February 2002 were a war drama about American troops in Somalia (“Black Hawk Down”), an Arnold Schwarzenegger action movie (“Collateral Damage”), and a future Oscar winner about a brilliant mathematician struggling with schizophrenia (“A Beautiful Mind”).

But none of these films topped the box office that month. That title went to “John Q.,” a movie about health insurance.

Or, more precisely, a story about a desperate father — played by Denzel Washington — who takes a hospital emergency room hostage at gunpoint when his HMO refuses to cover a heart transplant for his young son.

John Q.’s violent quest for justice was, of course, fictional. And even in the film, no one ends up dead.

Tragically, that wasn’t the case on the streets of New York City on Dec. 4 when a gunman fatally shot Brian Thompson, CEO of health insurance giant UnitedHealthcare.

But there was nothing new about the anger at health insurers that Thompson’s shooting unleashed online — and which suspect Luigi Mangione expressed in a document he allegedly wrote.

In fact, eruptions of public rage have shadowed the American health care system for decades.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, as “John Q.” was hitting movie screens, Americans were revolting against HMOs, whose practice of denying care to plan members to pad their bottom lines made them public enemy No. 1.

Just a few years later, health insurers stoked new ire for rescinding coverage after people were diagnosed with expensive illnesses like cancer. More recently, insurers’ widening use of cumbersome prior authorization procedures that slow patients’ access to care has provoked yet another round of fury.

The cycle of outrage periodically turns on others in the health care industry as well. Exorbitant bills and aggressive collection tactics, such as garnishing patients’ wages, are sapping public trust in hospitals and other medical providers.

And drug companies — perennial poster children for greed and profiteering — have enraged Americans since at least the 1950s, when new “wonder drugs” like steroids were fueling a growing industry.

When Sen. Estes Kefauver, a Tennessee Democrat who had led an investigation of the Mafia, convened hearings in 1959 to probe high prescription prices, his committee received mountains of mail from Americans who reported being fleeced by drugmakers. One retired rail worker told of having to spend more than a third of his retirement income on medicines for himself and his wife.

All this public outcry has occasionally sparked change. President Barack Obama and congressional Democrats leveraged anger at spiking insurance premiums in California to get the Affordable Care Act over the finish line in 2010, a landmark achievement that expanded health coverage to millions of Americans.

But more often, cycles of rage have been so much sound and fury, producing only modest reforms. In some cases, public anger has yielded more headaches for patients.

The HMO backlash in the late 1990s and early 2000s, for example, prompted employers — from whom about half of Americans get their health coverage — to embrace high-deductible health plans. Many employers saw these plans as a way to hold down costs if they couldn’t limit patients’ choice of medical providers through HMOs. These deductibles, which can reach thousands of dollars a year, are driving tens of millions of Americans into debt.

To many on the left who have long argued for a single-payer, government-run health system, the obstacle to more meaningful relief has been the political power of the same industries — health insurers, drug companies, hospitals — that fuel patient anger.

These industries have indeed proven adept at resisting change that threatened their bottom lines. They’ve also benefited from a paradox in how Americans think about their health care.

Patients may get angry. They may even lose faith in the system. This year, public views of health care quality fell to the lowest point since Gallup began asking about it in 2001, with 44% of Americans rating quality as excellent or good, down from a high of 62%.

Yet more than 70% said their own health care is excellent or good.

There is much debate about what accounts for this paradox. Are Americans just grateful to have the health protections they do? Are they satisfied because most don’t have to use the health care system on a regular basis? Do they simply like their doctor, in the way that voters routinely say they like their own member of Congress but hate Washington politicians? Or do they worry that no matter how frustrating the current system can be, any change risks making the situation worse?

The answer is probably a bit of all of this. Together, such sentiments represent a major challenge for those who hope the current wave of anger at health insurers will drive big improvements.

Could that change? Maybe. These are volatile and unpredictable political times. And the pressure of big medical bills is real. Medical debt, in particular, is exacting a fearsome toll on millions of Americans, KFF Health News’ reporting has shown.

But to drive change, advocates looking to harness public anger at the health care industry probably need to rethink their favored solutions. Old ideas like “Medicare for All,” long cherished on the left, or a deregulated health care market, long championed by the right, haven’t swayed Americans so far, no matter how angry they’ve been.

I don’t know when we’ll see meaningful alternatives. One thing that’s almost certainly on the way: Hollywood’s spin on the death of a health insurance executive gunned down in Midtown Manhattan.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Trump’s Picks for Top Health Jobs Not Just Team of Rivals but ‘Team of Opponents’

Many of President-elect Donald Trump’s candidates for federal health agencies have promoted policies and goals that put them at odds with one another or with Trump’s choice to run the Department of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., setting the stage for internal friction over public health initiatives.

The picks hold different views on matters such as limits on abortion, the safety of childhood vaccines, the covid-19 response, and the use of weight-loss medications. The divide pits Trump picks who adhere to more traditional and orthodox science, such as the long-held, scientifically supported findings that vaccines are safe, against often unsubstantiated views advanced by Kennedy and other selections who have claimed vaccines are linked with autism.

The Trump transition team and the designated nominees mentioned in this article did not respond to requests for comment.

It’s a potential “team of opponents” at the government’s health agencies, said Michael Cannon, director of health policy studies at the Cato Institute, a libertarian policy organization.

Kennedy, he said, is known for rejecting opposing views when confronted with science.

“The heads of the FDA and NIH will be spending all their time explaining to their boss what a confidence interval is,” Cannon said, referring to a statistical term used in medical studies.

Those whose views prevail will have significant power in shaping policy, from who is appointed to sit on federal vaccine advisory committees to federal authorization for covid vaccines to restrictions on abortion medications. If confirmed as HHS secretary, Kennedy is expected to set much of the agenda.

“If President Trump’s nomination of RFK Jr. to be secretary is confirmed, if you don’t subscribe to his views, it will be very hard to rise in that department,” said Amesh Adalja, an infectious disease specialist and senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security. “They will need to suppress their views to fit with RFK Jr’s. In this administration, and any administration, independent public disagreement isn’t welcome.”

Kennedy is chair of Children’s Health Defense, an anti-vaccine nonprofit. He has vowed to curb the country’s appetite for ultra-processed food and its incidence of chronic disease. He helped select Trump’s choices to lead the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the Food and Drug Administration, and the National Institutes of Health. If confirmed, he would lead them from the helm of HHS, with its more than $1.7 trillion budget.

Clashes are likely. Kennedy has supported access to abortion until a fetus is viable. That puts him at odds with Dave Weldon, the former Florida congressman whom Trump has chosen to run the CDC. Weldon, a physician, is an abortion opponent who wrote one of the major laws allowing health professionals to opt out of participating in the procedure.

Weldon would head an agency that’s been in the crosshairs of conservatives since the covid pandemic began. He has touted his “100% pro-life voting record” on his campaign website. (He unsuccessfully ran earlier this year for a seat in Florida’s House of Representatives.)

Trump has said he would leave decisions about abortion to the states, but the CDC under Weldon could, for example, fund studies on abortion risks. The agency could require states to provide information about abortions performed within their borders to the federal government or risk the loss of federal funds.

Weldon, like Kennedy, has questioned the safety of vaccines and has said he believes they can cause autism. That’s at odds with the views of Marty Makary, a Johns Hopkins surgeon whom Trump plans to nominate for FDA commissioner. The British American said on the “Brian Kilmeade Show” on Fox News Radio that vaccines “save lives,” although he added that it’s good to question the U.S. vaccine schedule for children.

The American Academy of Pediatricians encourages parents and their children’s doctors to stick to the recommended schedule of childhood vaccines. “Nonstandard schedules that spread out vaccines or start when a child is older put entire communities at risk of serious illnesses, including infants and young children,” the group says in guidance for its members.

Jay Bhattacharya, a doctor and economist who is Trump’s selection to lead NIH, has also supported vaccines.

Kennedy has said on NPR that federal authorities under his leadership wouldn’t “take vaccines away from anybody.” But the FDA oversees approval of vaccines, and, under his leadership, the agency could put vaccine skeptics on advisory panels or could make changes to a program that largely protects vaccine makers from consumer injury lawsuits.

“I do believe that autism does come from vaccines,” Kennedy said in 2023 on Fox News. Many scientific studies have discredited the claim that vaccines cause autism.

Ashish Jha, a doctor who served as the White House covid response coordinator from 2022 to 2023, noted that Bhattacharya and Makary have had long and distinguished careers in medicine and research and would bring decades of experience to these top jobs. But, he said, it “is going to be a lot more difficult than they think” to stand up for their views in the new administration.

It’s hard “to do things that displease your boss, and if [Kennedy] gets confirmed, he will be their boss,” Jha said. “They have their work cut out for them if they’re going to stand up for their opinions on science. If they don’t, it will just demoralize the staff.”

Most of Trump’s picks share the view that federal health agencies bungled the pandemic response, a stance that resonated with many of the president-elect’s voters and supporters — even though Trump led that response until Joe Biden took office in 2021.

Kennedy said in a 2021 Louisiana House oversight meeting that the covid vaccine was the “deadliest” ever made. He has cited no evidence to back the claim.

Federal health officials say the vaccines have saved millions of lives around the globe and offer important protection against covid. Protection lasts even though their effectiveness wanes over time.

The vaccines’ effectiveness against infection stood at 52% after four weeks, according to a May study in The New England Journal of Medicine, and their effectiveness against hospitalization was about 67% after four weeks. The vaccines were produced through Operation Warp Speed, a public-private partnership Trump launched in his first term to fast-track the shots as well as other treatments.

Makary criticized covid vaccine guidance that called for giving young children the shots. He argued that, for many people, natural immunity from infections could substitute for the vaccine. Bhattacharya opposed measures used to curb the spread of covid in 2020 and advised that everyone except the most vulnerable go about their lives as usual. The World Health Organization warned that such an approach would overwhelm hospitals.

Mehmet Oz, Trump’s choice to head the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, an agency within HHS, has said the vaccines were oversold. He promoted the use of the anti-malaria drug hydroxychloroquine as a treatment. The FDA in 2020 revoked emergency authorization of hydroxychloroquine for covid, saying that it was unlikely to be effective against the virus and that the risk of dangerous side effects was too high.

Janette Nesheiwat, meanwhile, a former Fox News contributor and Trump’s pick for surgeon general, has taken a different stance. The doctor described covid vaccines as a gift from God in a Fox News opinion piece.

Kennedy’s qualms about vaccines are likely to be a central issue early in the administration. He has said he wants federal health agencies to shift their focus from preparing for and combating infectious disease to addressing chronic disease.

The shifting focus and questioning of vaccines concern some public health leaders amid the spread of the H5N1 bird flu virus among dairy cattle. There have been 60 human infections reported in the U.S. this year, all but two of them linked to exposure to cattle or poultry.

“Early on, they’re going to have to have a discussion about vaccinating people and animals” against bird flu, said Georges C. Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association. “We all bring opinions to the table. A department’s cohesive policy is driven by the secretary.”

This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

Inmigrantes temen por su salud bajo Trump, pero tienen esperanzas en la economía

LOS ÁNGELES, California.— La promesa del presidente electo Donald Trump de deportaciones masivas y restricciones migratorias más severas está aumentando la desconfianza en el sistema de salud entre los inmigrantes en California, y nublando el futuro de los proveedores que atienden a los residentes más empobrecidos del estado.

Al mismo tiempo, inmigrantes que viven en el sur de California sin papeles dijeron a KFF Health News que pensaban que la economía mejoraría y que sus ingresos podrían aumentar bajo Trump. Para algunos, esa esperanza supera a sus preocupaciones sobre la atención de salud.

Trabajadores comunitarios de salud dicen que el miedo a la deportación ya está afectando la participación en Medi-Cal, el programa de Medicaid del estado para residentes de bajos ingresos, que en los últimos años se ha estado expandiendo gradualmente a todos los inmigrantes, independientemente de su estatus migratorio. Esto podría socavar el progreso del estado en la reducción de la tasa de personas sin seguro, que alcanzó un mínimo histórico del 6.4% en 2023.

Los inmigrantes sin papeles han temido durante mucho tiempo que participar en programas gubernamentales los convierta en blanco fácil de las autoridades migratorias, y la elección de Trump ha exacerbado estas preocupaciones, según defensores comunitarios.

Se espera que Medicaid esté en la mira de la nueva administración Trump, con recortes de fondos y restricciones de inscripción, lo que preocupa a activistas, ya que podría amenazar la expansión de Medi-Cal y obstaculizar los esfuerzos para extender los subsidios que ayudan a pagar por los seguros de salud bajo Covered California a todos los inmigrantes.

“El miedo por sí solo tiene tantas consecuencias para la salud de nuestras comunidades”, dijo Mar Vélez, directora de políticas de la Latino Coalition for a Healthy California. “Como ellos dicen, esta no es su primera batalla. Entienden cómo funciona el sistema. Creo que esta maquinaria será, desafortunadamente, mucho más dañina para nuestras comunidades”.

A pesar de estas preocupaciones, también hay una corriente de optimismo de que Trump podría beneficiar a la economía, según entrevistas con inmigrantes en Los Ángeles mientras trabajadores de salud estaban invitándolos a inscribirse en Medi-Cal.

Selvin, de 39 años, quien, como otros entrevistados para este artículo, pidió ser identificado solo por su primer nombre porque no tiene papeles, dijo que aunque cree que a Trump no le gustan las personas como él, piensa que la nueva administración podría ayudar a aumentar sus horas en la planta procesadora de alimentos donde trabaja empacando fideos. “Sí veo cómo podría mejorar la economía. Desde esa perspectiva, creo que es bueno que haya ganado”.

Este año, Selvin se convirtió en elegible para Medi-Cal, pero decidió no inscribirse, preocupado de que pudiera poner en peligro sus posibilidades de cambiar su estatus migratorio.

“Lo he pensado”, dijo Selvin, pero “siento que podría terminar perjudicándome. No negaré que, obviamente, me gustaría beneficiarme: arreglarme los dientes, un chequeo físico”. Pero dijo que el miedo lo frena, y no ha visto a un médico en nueve años.

No es el plan de deportación masiva de Trump en particular lo que lo asusta, sin embargo. “Si no estoy cometiendo ningún crimen o manejando ebrio, creo que no me deportarán”, dijo Selvin.

A photo of a pamphlet that reads, "¡No pierda su Medi-Cal!"
Las clínicas y los trabajadores de salud comunitarios alientan a los inmigrantes a inscribirse para obtener cobertura médica a través de Medi-Cal y Covered California. Pero los trabajadores han notado que el miedo a la deportación ha “enfriado” la participación.(Vanessa G. Sánchez/KFF Health News)

Petrona, de 55 años, vino de El Salvador buscando asilo y se inscribió en Medi-Cal el año pasado.

Dijo que si se recortan sus beneficios de salud, no podría costear sus visitas al dentista.

Vendedora ambulante de comida, escucha a menudo sobre el plan de deportación de Trump, pero dijo que el nuevo presidente expulsará a los criminales. “He oído decir que va a deshacerse de todos los que están robando”.

Aunque teme que pudiera ser deportada, también tiene esperanza en Trump. “Dice que va a dar mucho trabajo a los hispanos porque los latinos son los que trabajan más duro”, dijo. “Eso es bueno, más trabajo para nosotros, los que vinimos aquí a trabajar”.

El recién electo asambleísta republicano Jeff Gonzalez, quien ganó un escaño históricamente demócrata en la región desértica del sureste del estado, con una gran población latina, dijo que sus electores estaban ansiosos por ver un nuevo rumbo económico.

“Están realmente cansados del statu quo en California”, dijo Gonzalez. “La gente en las calles está diciendo: ‘Tengo esperanza’, porque ahora tenemos una perspectiva diferente. Tenemos a un empresario que está viendo las mismas cosas que nosotros estamos viendo, como el precio de los huevos, el precio de la gasolina, la seguridad”.

Gonzalez dijo que no comentará sobre posibles recortes a Medicaid porque Trump no ha hecho ningún anuncio oficial. A diferencia de la mayoría en su partido, Gonzalez aseguró que apoya la extensión de servicios de salud a todos los residentes, independientemente de su estatus migratorio.

Los proveedores de salud dijeron que enfrentan un doble desafío: la reticencia de las personas a las que deben atender y la amenaza de recortes importantes a Medicaid, el programa federal que proporciona más del 60% del financiamiento para Medi-Cal.

Proveedores de salud e investigadores de políticas dicen que una pérdida en las contribuciones federales podría llevar al estado a reducir o eliminar algunos programas, incluida la expansión para cubrir a quienes no tienen documentos.

California y Oregon son los únicos estados que ofrecen un seguro de salud integral a todos los inmigrantes elegibles, independientemente de su estatus. En California, se han inscrito cerca de 1.5 millones de personas sin papeles, a un costo de más de $6.000 millones al año para los contribuyentes del estado.

“Todo el mundo quiere poner este tipo de servicios en la lista de recortes, lo cual es realmente injusto”, dijo la senadora estatal Lena Gonzalez, demócrata y presidenta del Caucus Legislativo Latino de California. “Haremos todo lo posible para asegurarnos de que esto se priorice”.

La senadora Gonzalez dijo que será un desafío expandir programas como Covered California, el mercado de seguros de salud del estado, para el cual los inmigrantes sin estatus legal no son elegibles. Una gran preocupación para los inmigrantes y sus defensores es que Trump podría restablecer los cambios a la política de carga pública, que habilita para negar tarjetas de residencia o visas basándose en el uso de ciertos beneficios gubernamentales.

A photo of Yanet Martinez standing outside across the street from a beauty salon.
Los trabajadores de salud comunitarios como Yanet Martínez alientan a las personas a inscribirse para tener beneficios de salud. Pero muchos inmigrantes de California temen que el uso de servicios subsidiados pueda perjudicar sus posibilidades de obtener la residencia legal.(Vanessa G. Sánchez/KFF Health News)

“El plan de deportación masiva del presidente Trump pondrá fin al drenaje financiero que representan los inmigrantes ilegales para nuestro sistema de salud y garantizará que nuestro país pueda cuidar a los ciudadanos estadounidenses que dependen de Medicaid, Medicare y el Seguro Social”, dijo Karoline Leavitt, vocera de Trump, en un comunicado para KFF Health News.

Durante su primer mandato, en 2019, Trump amplió la política de carga pública para incluir el uso de Medicaid, así como subsidios de vivienda y para comprar alimentos. La administración Biden rescindió el cambio en 2021.

KFF, una organización sin fines de lucro de información sobre salud que incluye a KFF Health News, encontró que los inmigrantes usan menos servicios de salud que las personas nacidas en los Estados Unidos. Y aproximadamente 1 de cada 4 inmigrantes adultos probablemente indocumentados dijo que ha evitado solicitar asistencia para la atención de salud, alimentos y vivienda debido a temores relacionados con la inmigración, según una encuesta de 2023.

Otra incertidumbre es el destino de la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA), que se expandió en noviembre a los inmigrantes traídos al país de niños y que están protegidos bajo el programa de Acción Diferida para los Llegados en la Infancia (DACA). Si la elegibilidad de DACA, y la misma ley, fuera revertida bajo Trump, eso dejaría a aproximadamente 40.000 beneficiarios de DACA en California, y alrededor de 100.000 en todo el país, sin acceso a seguros de salud subsidiados.

El 9 de diciembre, un tribunal federal en Dakota del Norte emitió una orden bloqueando el acceso de los beneficiarios de DACA a estos planes de salud en 19 estados que habían impugnado la regla de la administración Biden.

Clínicas y trabajadores comunitarios de salud están alentando a las personas a seguir inscribiéndose para obtener beneficios de salud. Pero en medio del esfuerzo por difundir el mensaje, los efectos disuasorios ya son evidentes a lo largo y ancho del estado.

“¿Ya tiene Medi-Cal?”, preguntaba la trabajadora comunitaria Yanet Martínez a los residentes mientras caminaba por Pico Boulevard recientemente, en un vecindario de Los Ángeles con muchos salvadoreños.

“¡Nosotros podemos ayudarle a solicitar Medi-Cal! ¡Todo gratuito!”, gritaba, ofreciendo ayuda para inscribirse sin costo.

“Gracias, pero no”, respondió una joven, encogiéndose de hombros y evitando el contacto visual bajo una gorra que la cubría del sol dela  media mañana.

Martínez dijo que desde el día de las elecciones, la gente ha estado más reacia a escuchar lo que dice sobre seguros de salud subsidiados o exámenes preventivos de cáncer.

“Creen que voy a compartir su información para deportarlos”, dijo. “No quieren tener nada que ver con esto”.

Esta historia fue producida por KFF Health News, conocido antes como Kaiser Health News (KHN), una redacción nacional que produce periodismo en profundidad sobre temas de salud y es uno de los principales programas operativos de KFF, la fuente independiente de investigación de políticas de salud, encuestas y periodismo.